U.S. Census 2000 on California 
City and county numbers from Census 2000. http://www2.census.gov/census_2000/datasets/demographic_profile/California/2kh06.pdf

2/22/08 Asian Week: "Asian Americans Who Run The City [San Francisco],"
by Angela Pang
    Twenty-one percent of city’s commissioners are Asian Pacific Americans
    Although San Francisco has the worst proportional representation of Asian Americans on the city’s governing Board of Supervisors of all cities nationwide (one out of 11), a first-ever look at commission assignments by AsianWeek indicates a slightly brighter picture among the city’s commissions — though still not up to par with San Francisco’s one-third Asian Pacific American population.
    AsianWeek has conducted an analysis of Asian Pacific American representation in the city’s 42 commissions, whose members are selected by the mayor and Board of Supervisors. Asian Pacific Americans currently hold
21.4 percent of commission positions — 74 out of 345 seats as of Feb. 15, which is roughly 12 percent less than their population in S.F.
    “That number is not bad, but it is not enough,” said Fire Commissioner Steve Nakajo.
    Out of 42 commissions, 36 currently have at least one APA member on board; six have no Asian Pacific Americans. Those commissions without any APA representation are — Entertainment, Environment, Health Service Board, Rent Board, Southeast Community Facility and the War Memorial Board of Trustees.
    After Mayor Gavin Newsom asked hundreds of city officials to hand in letters of resignation last fall, 13 commissions saw a change in their APA count. Eight commissions experienced an increase — Aging, Health, Human Rights, Immigrant Rights, Municipal Transportation Agency, Relocation Appeals Board, the Status of Women and the Small Business Commission, while five underwent a decline — Arts, Elections, Entertainment, Environment and Housing — with the remaining 29 commissions experiencing no change.
    Some of the APAs that have left those agencies have transferred to other commissions. Alan Mok, for example, departed from the Environment Commission but has joined the Immigrant Rights Commission, while Irene Yee Riley left the Housing Commission for the Small Business Commission.
    “I know the mayor definitely feels strongly about putting more Asian Pacific Islanders in commission seats — that’s one of the first things he told me when I met with him to discuss my position,” said Jason Chan, who became the mayor’s first API liaison to commissions, and the person responsible for making recommendations for commission seats, in January.
    “We do want to reflect the breakdown of the constituents in the city, but it is challenging on our end,” Chan said. “We don’t keep track of commissioners’ ethnicities, and that isn’t a factor when they are appointed. Our main concern is to have the best and brightest in these commission seats.”
    Planning Commissioner Bill Lee said that the city’s commissions should mirror the population of the city, but qualifications and skills are a factor, especially in the more powerful commissions, such as the Board of Permit Appeals, Building Inspection, Civil Service, Police, Planning and Public Utilities commissions, and the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency. Some of these top commissions require commissioners to be appointed both by the mayor and the Board of Supervisors; some have the power to select, appoint and fire management; and some also control the allocation of resources and decide public policies that affect living conditions.
    Bill Lee said there is enough representation in these top commissions that truly affects how APAs live and do business in the city.
    “It’s vital to have representation that directly affects what we do and need as Asians,” Bill Lee said.
    “For us to have three APAs out of seven on the Planning Commission and two APAs on the Redevelopment Commission out of seven members, that’s good.”
    Yet Ron Lee, vice president of the Chinese American Democratic Club, said that with such a large Asian population in San Francisco, the Asian and Chinese communities should be totally outraged.
    “We deserve our fair share, not more, not less,” Ron Lee said. “How many [APAs] are at the mayor’s office now? Not enough.”
    Parks and Recreation Commissioner David Lee believes that there’s no lack of APA representation at the top commissions, but said that doesn’t extend to other branches of city government. “What we should be looking at is the Board of Supervisors,” David Lee said. “Out of 11 seats, there is only one Asian American — Carmen Chu, who was appointed by Mayor Newsom. That’s where we lack representation most.”
    “In terms of API representation, the city can certainly do a lot more,” said Ling-chi Wang, associate professor of Asian American studies at U.C.
Berkeley.
    Fire Commissioner Nakajo said APAs can increase their representation by getting involved in their neighborhoods and communities, and taking leadership roles where they can — that is the first source city officials look at for commission candidates.
    Juvenile Probation Commissioner Jacqueline Ricci said Asian Americans don’t assert themselves in taking leadership roles. “We have to step up to the plate,”
Ricci said. “Asians tend to be humble in putting ourselves first. If you’re interested in serving for a commission, you have to go for it and let it be known.”
    Dennis Normandy, a 14-year Public Utilities commissioner, notes more APAs are now serving on commissions than when he started.
    “The quantity and quality of APA representation has improved throughout the years,” Normandy said. “I think it’s a testament to both the willingness of each mayor to open doors, but also to APA communities, which have grown in number. Now we have much more talent to choose from and push forward.”
    “With Jason Chan as a bridge to the APA community, we’re on the right track, and I believe the number of APA commissioners will grow. But we can’t just be passive and expect each mayor’s administration to actively look for nominees for commission positions,” Normandy continued. “As APA community members and leaders, we have to do our part, by keeping ourselves visible and on the radar screen.”
    With additional reporting by Melissa Chin. Amy Lin and Rainier Ramirez also contributed to this report.


2/5/08 Dallas Morning News: “Candidates court California Asians,”
by Christy Hoppe
    Los Angeles – In the past few days, Asian-American leaders have been stumping the state for Hillary Rodham Clinton, AsianWeek endorsed Barack Obama and John McCain announced high-ranking Vietnamese-American supporters.
    Beyond the high-visibility pitches for Latino and female voters, the presidential campaigns have reached out to Asian-Americans, one of the fastest-growing California constituencies and a group that could play a big role in who takes home the delegates.
    Asian-American and Pacific Islanders are 12 percent of California 's registered voters – and almost evenly split between Republicans and Democrats.
    But because of tight-knit communities, the AAPI, as they are known, are much more powerful in pockets of the state – for instance, they are 30 percent of the Democratic voters in the San Francisco area.
    "Both the Democratic and Republican presidential candidates have been courting the AAPI community," said Republican state Assemblyman Van Tran, who represents a part of Orange County with an Asian-American population of about 450,000.
    He said candidates have held fundraisers and met with AAPI groups beginning months and, in some cases, years ago.
    Because California delegates will be determined by the winner in each of the 53 congressional districts, the AAPI could help award dozens of delegates.
    " California is the big enchilada in terms of delegates," Mr. Tran said. "The AAPI is going to have impact."
    Sunnyvale City Council member Otto Lee, a leader for Mrs. Clinton's outreach campaign, said the main issues for AAPI Democrats are the same as others: economy, education and health care.
    "The overall trend is that the younger people are still more excited with Barack Obama. When you talk about the older voter, the idea of knowledge and strength is what matters, and they tend towards Hillary Clinton," he said.
    Although the AAPI population is equally divided between the GOP and Democratic Party, Mr. Lee believes that the immigration issue and open-door policy for independents will probably drive record numbers into Democratic voting booths today.
    Almost a third of Asian-Americans are registered independents, and the GOP primary in California is open only to registered Republicans.
    On immigration, many in the AAPI are concerned that the tougher Republican stance will prevent family members from being unified, Mr. Lee said.
    Mitt Romney has national Asian-Pacific leaders as advisers and leaders in his campaign, but his efforts have not been as visible as Mr. McCain's.
    "I've been working closely with him," said Mr. Tran, adding that the Arizona senator has visited his district numerous times dating to the 2000 presidential campaign.
    Recently, the campaign has been hit with a revival of a comment that Mr. McCain made on the 2000 campaign bus, when he used an ethnic slur for Asians and said: "I will hate them as long as I live."
    Mr. McCain later explained that he was referring only to his sadistic Vietnamese captors, but the quote remains offensive and is something Mr. Tran has been dealing with lately.
    "They're trying to throw everything at him" now that he's the front-runner, Mr. Tran said, predicting that Mr. McCain will nevertheless win California and the AAPI vote.
    "Senator McCain is perceived as a man who is firm with his conviction and straightforward with his opinion," he said.

12/2/07 San Francisco Chronicle: “Asian Americans flex political muscle in wider Bay Area, “
by Vanessa Hua and Matthew B. Stannard
    The elderly Chinese American men in dark suits passed through ornate doors guarded by stone lions, then ambled into a soaring hall lined with flowers and history.
    Holding court inside was Harrison Lim, the outgoing president of the Chinese Six Companies, the San Francisco fraternal organization whose fetes regularly draw such political luminaries as Mayor Gavin Newsom and Aaron Peskin, president of the Board of Supervisors.
    As Lim did the meet-and-greet with a sea of representatives from Chinese family associations and service organizations, the white faces of Newsom and Peskin stood out, as did one glaring fact:
    In a city that is one-third Asian, the majority Chinese Americans, there are few prominent politicians of Chinese descent.
    Next year, the Chinese American population of San Francisco will mark the 160th anniversary of its presence in the city. Gone are the exclusionary laws that held the populace in check, the policies that curtailed Chinese immigration and citizenship. Gone is the official discrimination that kept many in the ghetto.
    Yet such progress has not translated into political power. No Chinese American has held the top office of mayor, and except for a few years in the late 1990s, they have never been proportionately represented in the city's top political body, the Board of Supervisors.
    "I was dying to be working on the election of a Chinese American mayor," said Rose Pak, the Chinatown wheeler-dealer who has spent decades grooming and supporting candidates for office. "But now I ... wonder if I'll see it."
    The longtime political frustration of Chinese Americans in San Francisco has been placed in sharp relief in recent months with the scandal-plagued first year of Chinese American Supervisor Ed Jew. Yet the political fate of Chinese Americans in San Francisco will not hinge on the Jew saga.
    Instead, the future could rest on what happens in the South Bay , where the Chinese American community's dramatic strides could make San Francisco a virtual backwater on the Chinese American political landscape:
    Kris Wang, an immigrant from Taiwan , is mayor of Cupertino . Otto Lee, a Hong Kong native with a degree in chemical and nuclear engineering from UC Berkeley and a law degree from UC Hastings, holds the top elected office in Sunnyvale . San Jose 's Kansen Chu, who hails from Taiwan , is the city's first Chinese American councilman. Evan Low is the first Chinese American elected to the Campbell City Council.
    "The South Bay - in particular Santa Clara County and the Silicon Valley area - is really kind of leading the charge for Asian American political incorporation in the continental United States," said James Lai, associate professor of political science and ethnic studies at Santa Clara University.
    A new generation of Chinese Americans in San Francisco hopes to grasp the gold ring, but it won't be easy. In San Francisco , Lai says, Asian Americans are "one of many in line, and not necessarily first in line."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    In 1973, Mayor Joseph Alioto appointed George Chinn as the first Chinese American on San Francisco 's Board of Supervisors. In 1977, Gordon Lau was appointed and eventually elected.
    "Non-Chinese perpetuate the myth that Chinese can and should take care of their own problems, that nothing is wrong in Chinatown ," Lau told The Chronicle in 1969. "And I want to dispel that myth, which results in lack of responsiveness from government agencies and officials. I want to start people talking, not only about what is wrong, but about what can be done."
    Tom Hsieh Sr. - San Francisco 's third Chinese American supervisor - was appointed in 1986 and was re-elected twice. A successful architect, Hsieh realized he needed to get involved in politics or neither he, his family nor his community would advance further. It seemed then that Hsieh would be followed by politicians like him: professional, educated, politically aware Chinese Americans.
    It didn't happen.
    In 1991, the fiscally conservative Hsieh ran for mayor and got about 10 percent of the vote - the most any Chinese American candidate has received before or since. But Hsieh ran into the Chinatown conundrums that perplex Chinese American politicians to this day, such as the far greater willingness among Chinese Americans to donate money than to vote.
    The result: Chinese Americans lacked the ballot-box power to push their own into office or even attract the interest of mainstream politicians outside of fund raising.
    The consequences of lacking political power were clear after the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake damaged the Embarcadero Freeway. City leaders proposed replacing it with a sunken expressway. Hundreds of Chinatown merchants went on strike and closed shops for three hours to attend a Board of Supervisors hearing on the proposed demolition, saying that business would be hurt without the important transportation link. But the city moved ahead with its plans.
    In the late 1990s, some observers heralded a new era of Chinese American power in San Francisco when Chinese American property and business owners successfully demanded a rebuilding of the Central Freeway. About the same time, three Asian Americans - Mabel Teng, Leland Yee and Michael Yaki - joined the Board of Supervisors, the first time the populace was proportionately represented on the board.
    It lasted less than five years.
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   At the dawn of the 21st century, as Chinese Americans' brief experience with proportionate representation was coming to an end in San Francisco , a new generation to the south was finding success - on a startling scale.
    In 1980, Kris Wang borrowed $1,000 from a friend and spent $700 on a plane ticket from Taiwan to San Francisco . But where previous generations of immigrants might have arrived with few connections and gravitated to Chinatown with the help of the Six Companies, Wang arrived with family on the East Coast and friends in Campbell who let her stay and stretch her remaining $300 long enough to get a job at a San Jose firm.
    Where a previous generation's story might have ended with finding a job, Wang's was just beginning. In the years that followed, she earned her MBA, got married, had kids, moved to Cupertino for its good schools - and discovered an opportunity in a city in which Apple Computer was within sight of many Chinese shops.
    While volunteering at Cupertino 's schools, Wang came to the attention of then-Mayor Michael Chang - the city's first Asian American mayor, elected in 1999 - who suggested she attend Leadership Community, a city program that introduces people to volunteer and public service opportunities.
    Suddenly, Wang was parks and recreation commissioner, a position she held until 2003, when Chang left office.
    "A lot of people came to me and said, 'Are you ready? We want you to serve, want you to run,'" Wang recalled. At first, Wang was uncertain. It was a comment from her youngest son, she said, that made up her mind.
    "He said, 'Mom, I want to ask you a question,' " she recalled. " 'Tell me, if you get elected, do you think because you're a Chinese American, you'll be an advocate for Chinese Americans? Or are you serving the whole community?'
    "I said, 'Of course, the whole community.' "
    "He said, 'Go, mom. Then you go.' "
    Wang ran for re-election last month and won.
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    Ask why Chinese Americans in San Francisco have not seen their numbers translate into political power as in the South Bay , and you will get dozens of responses. Chinese American leaders, academics and observers are far from agreement on the reason - or even on whether it's a problem.
    Some say the differences between the two regions come down to simple demographics: The immigrants moving to San Francisco for much of the past century were limited to working-class jobs, with limited education, limited English and little interest in politics.
    Those arriving in the 1980s - many of whom, like Wang, immediately headed south - often came to advance their educations and arrived with degrees and experience in politics and opening markets. They were joined by American-born Chinese who had left San Francisco after benefiting from the social reforms of the 1960s, which helped them gain better housing, better jobs, better incomes and educations.
    Chinatown remained a jumping-off point for newcomers, offering cheap housing and a multitude of Chinese groceries, shops and social services within walking distance. But cities such as Cupertino , Sunnyvale and Foster City had their own large Asian American populations.
    These populations were different from San Francisco 's: better educated, less likely to be linguistically isolated, and wealthier - and more likely to vote or run for office. San Francisco 's Chinese Americans, in turn, became poorer, older and less educated - and still disinclined to vote.
    Some say demographic differences don't tell the whole story. At the heart of it, they contend, is the lingering connection that many Chinese Americans, particularly in San Francisco 's Chinatown , feel to their homelands.
    "We have several factions," said Hsieh, the former San Francisco supervisor. "One is for mainland China . One is for Taiwan . One is for Hong Kong . And they don't really have that much in common."
    The walls of Chinese Six Companies at 843 Stockton St. still bear framed calligraphy by Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek. When new leaders are installed at the Six Companies, everyone sings along to a tinny recording of the national anthems of the United States and of Taiwan , in accordance with the group's long allegiance to that government.
    Today, governments of Taiwan and China still court local Chinese leaders, showering titles and preferential treatment to win them over. A stroll down Stockton Street , the main drag of Chinatown in San Francisco , reveals competing loyalties: the red flag and yellow stars of China and the white sun in a blue square against a red flag of Taiwan .
    "There's still albatrosses around our necks that we haven't even moved in the last 50 years after the Cold War. Chinese politics! China politics!" roared Pak. "It still comes down to pro-China, anti-China. Still."
    But in Cupertino , Wang sees the China-Taiwan split as largely irrelevant: "I think we're all the same citizens, whether you're from China , from Taiwan , from Hong Kong , or if you're African American. I always disagreed with the saying that you have a number percentage of Asian Americans, the representation should also match the number percentage. It should all come natural."
    Some San Francisco leaders bemoan the lack of an infrastructure that could groom and support up-and-comers, such as the traditional role churches play in many African American communities.
    In theory, it is a role that could be played by Six Companies. But a number of observers, including some within the organization, say it doesn't deliver in those terms and instead eschews much mainstream political debate.
    "The immigration bill. How come they never discuss anything about that?" said Thomas Ng, a Six Companies board member.
    On top of that is the structure of the Six Companies, in which a complex formula designed to balance power among the main family groups requires a new presiding president every two months.
    "How can you represent a community still using the Qing dynasty mentality on the bylaws? They may not like me saying it, but that's the reality," said Bok Pon, the commander of the Chinatown post of the American Legion. "Those associations have become social clubs. It's not actually doing anything for the community."
    On the surface, the association seems important. Assemblywoman Fiona Ma recently dropped by the Six Companies board meeting to tout her legislative agenda, and the turnover of the president attracts local politicos every two months.
    But skeptics say the real reason the politicos come is for coverage in the Chinese-language press.
    "Maybe 20 years ago, the Chinese Six Companies was very powerful," said Lim, a longtime member. "If the Chinese Six Companies said yes, everybody would support. But now, no. Still has influence, but not as strong."
    By contrast, Lai said, several South Bay communities have organized efforts to nurture future Asian American leaders, such as DeAnza College 's Asian Pacific American Leadership Institute.
    "Take a look at the Web sites for all these cities and look at the commissions," Lai said. "You'll see Asian Americans serving in key positions."
    That doesn't mean there are no political contenders in San Francisco today - Eric Mar, a San Francisco school board member and Asian American studies professor at San Francisco State , recently filed to run for supervisor, and Claudine Cheng, president of the Treasure Island Development Authority, also is considering a bid.
    But Chinese American candidates face a fundamental challenge: They must try to appeal both to their conservative communities and to the city's progressive majority.
    That presents a hurdle to leftists like Mar, who some analysts say might attract Chinese American votes on the basis of his ethnicity, but may not be able to be re-elected, because of his politics.
    "If you stay as conservative as I was, you know you're wasting your time," Hsieh said. "You have to be 40 percent on the conservative side, say, and 60 percent on the progressive side. You have to understand that you are not running for office to serve one community. You really want to serve the city as a whole, and with an emphasis and reminder that you are from that community and you want to give them very special attention."
    South Bay Chinese Americans have learned that lesson, Lai argued, and with it has come power.
    "They're really giving back to the community, and their interests are just like everybody else's," he said. "That's why you see people like Kris Wang being able to cross over, and that has always been the key to success for Asian American candidates."
    To some observers, the obstacles for San Francisco 's Chinese American candidates seem insurmountable. Some suggest that the city's Chinese Americans should focus on issues important to them instead of tilting at windmills with their candidates.
    But others see hope in a new generation of immigrants with its own unique experience that may change the political face of San Francisco yet again.
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    When they called his name, the man stood and made his way to the front of the packed, stuffy auditorium of San Francisco 's Gordon J. Lau Elementary School. He was short and slight, his face youthful beneath the brim of a small, olive-gray cap. "My name is Zheng Zhao Xin," he said. "I'm also a new immigrant. I'm a student at City College in Chinatown ."
    Seated before Zheng were the members of the college's Board of Trustees, which was hearing comments on plans to rebuild its rundown Chinatown campus with a $122 million, 16-story building, one of several proposals.
    Most of the hundreds in the boisterous audience were Chinese Americans in favor of the plan. The handful of mostly white opponents worried about parking and called for a shorter building.
    Zheng spoke in Cantonese, but his words were quiet and firm, and he waited patiently as a translator interpreted his comments. "Immigrants such as myself, Asian born, who want to get into the mainstream society of the United States , we need to receive a quality education, not only in English but also to receive job skills and other skills," he said. "So I urge the board as the decision maker ... you should listen to the voices and the opinions of the community."
    Zheng sat down to applause. It was the second public meeting he had ever attended. He had been in the United States for six months.
    Zheng came of age as China developed rapidly - and with wealth came more mobility, a wider perspective and greater openness. He was learning English at City College when he heard about opposition to the proposed new campus. If he didn't get involved and participate, the building might never be built, he thought. He was nervous about speaking in public and questioned whether marching or demonstrating was illegal or might cause him to be deported.
    This fall, Zheng helped mobilize students at City College in support of the campus - perhaps the first step in a budding political career. The night he spoke at the hearing, Chinatown elder Harrison Lim also was in attendance. The Six Companies leader has strived to make this an issue for the organization to rally around. The men represent the past and future Chinese America.
    In China , "what they think is, well, we are just ordinary people. Even if you do something, it may not change anything at all. So why bother to do it?" Zheng said. "In the society I live in now, I think if you think this is right, and you try to do something, there is a chance you may get things done."
    Zheng's diligence paid off: The City College trustees approved the new campus on Oct. 18. And Zheng was elected to the student council.

11/21/07 Philippine News: “Rising Harassment of Asian American Students,”
     San Francisco -- Civil rights advocates representing broad sectors of communities gathered at the downtown offices of the Asian Law Caucus (ALC) recently to call attention to the rising incidence of bias-related harassment of Asian Pacific American youth in California ’s public schools.
    Race, ethnicity, religion, disability, and sexual orientation were cited as the most common factors that instigate harassment, ridicule, and threat of violence in the schools.
    Angela Chan, ALC staff attorney, said she continues to receive a steady stream of complaints from APA students regarding harassment and violence perpetrated against them by other students or even employees.
    Other minority groups are not spared either.
    Senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California, Tamara Lange, reported that in the last six weeks alone prior to the San Francisco press conference, her group reached a settlement with an elementary school system in Bishop, where Native American children were being harassed and assaulted by a school resource officer.
    Chan said the alarming trend continues despite state laws to protect students that went into effect seven years ago.
    In 2000, the California Student Safety and Violence Prevention Act, AB 537, was implemented to prohibit discriminatory harassment and violence in schools.
    More recently, California Assembly member Lloyd Levine authored the Safe Place to Learn Act (AB 394) requiring the state’s education department to play an active role in ensuring full and proper implementation of existing anti-discrimination laws that apply to schools.
    “This problem of school harassment will not go away without leadership by the Department of Education,” Lange insisted. “We look forward to the implementation of AB 394 and urge the Department to do more than the bare minimum required by this new law to ensure that all of our children know that they are entitled to be treated with dignity and respect.”
    Chan told Philippine News during the open forum “While California may seem ahead of other states in the institution of anti-harassment laws and policies, it lags behind in implementation and compliance.”
    Nevertheless, she added, the findings from a recent study ALC conducted have shown that many school districts do not even have anti-harassment policies in place.
    The survey, conducted just last spring, found that 31 percent of the 75 California school districts surveyed did not have any anti-harassment and anti-violence policies in place.
    Another recent study done by the California Safe Schools Coalition indicated many students and parents are unaware of nondiscrimination policies, with 23 percent of students and 29 percent of parents not being informed of the policies.
    Civil rights organizations, therefore, are advocating the prompt and effective implementation of local and state initiatives, more so in the light of recent incidents of harassment in schools.
    Lance Chih, a recent graduate of Folsom High School, recounted his experience as the victim of hate crimes at his school. “Three years ago, I experienced a series of hate crimes for being gay, starting with a death threat, moving on to a physical attack, and ending with sexual harassment in front of a teacher by two male students,” he narrated.
    Reports of Muslim American students being harassed by both students and school employees are also becoming more frequent, according to Mahrukh Hasan, civil rights coordinator for the Bay Area chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR).
    “In one recent case handled by CAIR and the ALC, a school employee in Monterey repeatedly demanded that a 13-year-old girl remove her hijab, a headscarf she wore for religious reasons, in front of a cafeteria full of students,” Hasan recalled.
    At the local level, Jen Gasang, coordinator for the Asian Pacific Islander Youth Advocacy Network announced the launch of a new system for reporting incidents anonymously in the San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD).
    Gasang said, “The Safe School Line aims to make our school community safer by providing three ways for students and parents to anonymously report to the District incidents of harassment, violence, and intimidation– via e-mail at safeschool@sfusd.edu, telephone at (415) 241-2141, and online at www.sfusd.edu.”
    Christina Wong, director of community initiatives at the Chinese for Affirmative Action, also discussed a project called the Culturally Responsive Initiative that will obtain funding and develop training for teachers in SFUSD to prevent bias-related harassment.

10/10/07 UCLA Today: “Asian Americans are California 's new 'sleeping giant'”
By Paul Ong    
    In the 1980s and 1990s, Latinos were considered the "sleeping giant" in California politics because of their growing numbers. New research conducted by the UCLA Asian American Studies Center, together with the University of California's Asian American and Pacific Islander Policy Initiative Multi-Campus Research Program, shows that Asian Americans are now the "sleeping giant" of state politics. 
    The center's research points to several major demographic trends that began to take shape in the 1990s. First, the Asian-American population has increased steadily. From 2000 and 2005, the number of Asian-American residents in California increased from 3.8 million to 4.7 million, accounting for 38% of the 2.2 million overall net gain in California 's population.
    During the same period, the number of Asian Americans in California eligible to register as voters climbed by more than half a million. If this growth continues, more than 3 million Asian-American adults will be eligible to register to vote by the end of the decade, making up about 14% of all Californians eligible to register.
    Asian Americans are also showing an increase in their citizenship rates. As many as 71% of Asian-American adults are U.S. citizens by birth or naturalization, illustrating how Asian Americans have gone from being an "alien" population to one fully integrated into society through citizenship. In addition, Asian Americans are making a significant impact on both state and national politics as donors, politicians, state officials and community groups. 
    These demographic trends bring both new opportunities and challenges for Asian Americans. As they contribute to the nation's cultural diversity and economic success, the remarkable growth in the number of Asian Americans means that public services and elected representation will also need to grow to accommodate the particular needs of the community, as Judy Chu, vice chair of California's State Board of Equalization has said, echoing an opinion widely shared by other community leaders.
    However, fully transforming their demographic power into voting power remains a significant challenge for Asian Americans. Recent data suggest that Asian Americans are less likely to register and vote than non-Latino whites and African Americans. 
    The good news, according to leading Asian American scholars, is that Asian Americans can become an effective voting bloc by formulating a common political agenda that appeals to the community regardless of its racial, cultural, linguistic and economic differences. 
    As sociologist Yen Le Espiritu, a graduate of UCLA's Asian American Studies program, has noted: "History has shown that Asian Americans can overcome differences to build viable, pan-Asian, political coalitions to promote and protect both their individual and their united interests." 
    Ong is a professor in the School of Public Affairs and Asian American studies.

8/9/07 San Jose Mercury News: “ Santa Clara County adding Asians at nation's 
fastest pace; Births, Economy, Immigration Fuel Continuing Rise,” 
By Mike Swift
    For a suburban county smaller than multi-ethnic urban giants like Los Angeles , Miami-Dade and Queens , N.Y. , Santa Clara County recorded a notable population milestone last year: It gained more Asians than any county in the United States .
    Population estimates being released today by the U.S. Census Bureau say Santa Clara County gained nearly 18,000 new Asian residents in the year ending 
July 1, 2006, a 3.3 percent increase from 2005. That was nearly 2,000 more than 
the U.S. county with the second-largest growth, Los Angeles .
    Santa Clara County 's Asian population has jumped by 20 percent, or about 
91,000 people, so far this decade, the Census Bureau estimates. The county is fast overtaking San Francisco , with more than a century of Asian history, as the county 
in the continental United States with the largest share of Asians. Santa Clara County 's continuing Asian boom is being fueled by births, immigration
and economic growth, demographers say. In California , only Los Angeles County had more Asian births than Santa Clara County 's 8,395 in 2005, according to state Department of Public Health records. And although Asians for now still make up a 
slightly larger share of the population in San Francisco , a baby born there is less likely 
to be Asian than one born in Santa Clara County .
    The booming Asian population is diversifying the culture, forcing non-Asians to adapt and spawning business opportunities across ethnic lines.
    Loann Tran, a real estate agent with Judy Wang Realtors in Milpitas and San Jose , says an influx of young Asian families buying homes has insulated her from some of the pain of this year's real estate slowdown.
    "Most of the buyers are either from China or India ; they are a majority of those that are still buying," said Tran, whose clientele is predominantly Asian.
    There are now about 40 Asian ethnic media outlets based in the South Bay , including multiple newspapers serving South Asians, Vietnamese and Chinese readers, according to New American Media, a San Francisco-based collaboration of ethnic media organizations.
    Wells Fargo Bank this year began outdoor advertising in all-Chinese characters in San Jose neighborhoods with large numbers of Chinese speakers. "You're seeing more of a concerted focus and effort to reach out to customers and those that may be willing to do business with Wells Fargo in their language of choice," said Chris Hammond, a Wells Fargo vice president.
    To be sure, Santa Clara County 's large Asian population is not new. But in informal discussions this week, residents said the volume of the growth and the persistent evolution of the South Bay 's population over the past decade and a half continue to rewrite personal and business relationships in myriad ways.
    "I'm going to a Vietnamese restaurant right now, and I'm going to order in Vietnamese," said Alex Rodriguez of San Jose , a Mexican-American business developer. He took college courses to learn Vietnamese because of religious outreach he does as a Jehovah's Witness.
    Growing pains
    Mike Riggsby, co-owner of West Coast Store Fixtures, a San Jose company that sells everything from store counters to mannequins, said he is having to learn new ways of bargaining and negotiating on the job. He estimates half his customers are now Asian, up 50 percent in the past decade.
    "I'm learning as I'm going along," Riggsby said. "It's us understanding them and them understanding our culture, and working together so we don't offend each other."
    Nevertheless, he still has misunderstandings, and it bothers him sometimes when customers speak to one another in a language he doesn't understand.
    A fourth-generation Californian who is ethnically Chinese, Cindy Colbert of Campbell often felt out of place as a baby boomer growing up in San Jose . She thinks the growth of the Asian population has made people here less likely to stereotype.
    "When I was growing up, you needed to blend in - you needed to be white. If you weren't white, you stuck out like a sore thumb," said Colbert, whose great grandfather came to California from China to work on the railroads.
    "I used to walk up to the supermarket checkout and the clerk would be hostile until I opened my mouth and he saw I was a native English-speaker," she said. "They are kind of more accepting now because of the volume of (Asian) people here."
    Five of the 10 U.S. counties with the largest Asian population growth in the past year were in California , including Santa Clara and Alameda counties. Asian immigrants have been somewhat slower than Latinos to spread out across the United States , demographers say.
    Asians "are still very heavily attracted to areas which have been the traditional gateways to the United States ," said Bill Frey, a demographer with the Brookings Institution in Washington , D.C.
    From Chinese actresses like Gong Li starring in mainstream Hollywood movies like "Miami Vice," to the rise of five-star Asian restaurants and the ubiquity of Pokemon, marketing experts say there is increasing cross-pollination between Asian and non-Asian cultures across the country, especially in places like the South Bay.
    Mainstream absorption
    Conventional wisdom has been that the rapid growth of ethnic supermarkets like 99 Ranch Market would make them takeover targets for mainstream supermarket chains, said Saul Gitlin, executive vice president with Kang & Lee, a New York advertising firm that helps organizations from AT&T to the NBA target Asian consumers. But Gitlin isn't sure that will happen.
    "I can't tell you it'll be the mainstream stores that acquire the Asian stores. It could very well be the reverse," Gitlin said.
    Lee's Sandwiches, a chain of Vietnamese eateries headquartered in San Jose , began in 1983 with a largely Vietnamese clientele, said Jimmy Le, assistant to the chief executive. Those stores featured an array of traditional Vietnamese foods and flavors. 
    But its newer stores are intended to feel more like standard American fast-food outlets. The chain has now expanded to Arizona and Texas and will open in Oklahoma City this year.
    "No matter what nationality you are, everyone is willing to try new things," Le said. "Our focus is not just Vietnamese customers or Asians any more, but any nationality. Just like McDonald's or Burger King."

 
8/7/07 New America Media: “Asian-American Youth Venture Into Cal Politics,”
By Lizeth Cazares
    Editor’s Note: Asian-American participation in politics has been traditionally low but that’s changing, at least in California , reports NAM contributor Lizeth Cazares. Cazares is an English Major at the University of California Davis and a participant of the Journalism program at University of California Center in Sacramento and New America Media.
    SACRAMENTO -- Jessica Zou’s parents want her to go to school, get good grades, find a high-paying job and avoid causing trouble -- like getting into politics.
    “Culturally, most Asians in my generation are taught to not cause trouble, that is to say, not ‘stir things up,’” says Zou, 19, a junior at the University of California , Irvine . “I think this is partially because, coming from our parents' generation, politics can end up in riots, chaos and even death.”
    After seeing the violence at Tiananmen Square in 1989, Zou said her parents decided to emigrate from China to the United States , where they thought she could live a peaceful life.
    But political advocacy organizations are actively trying to dispel that notion and encourage young Asian Americans like Zou, an intern at California Assemblyman Ted Lieu's office, to participate in politics.
    In recent years, several Asian Americans have risen to prominent political positions, such as U.S. Secretary of Labor Elaine Chao and former U.S. Secretary of Transportation Norman Mineta. Californians have also elected several Asian and Pacific Islanders to state legislative office, including Sen. Leland Yee, Assemblymen Mike Eng and Van Tran, and Assemblywoman Fiona Ma. But despite increasing leadership in this community, Asian Americans make up less than 10 percent of the California legislature even though they are 13 percent of the population.
    As the Asian American population continues to grow, organizations are working to inspire young Asian Americans to pursue careers in public policy and ensure diversity in the state’s legislature.
    Some of these political advocacy efforts in California include the Asian Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus’ “Internship Day at the Capitol.” This year, the event brought together about 50 young Asian and Pacific Islander youth to meet legislators, students and staff members to get insight on working with state legislation, said Pam Chueh, consultant to the caucus.
    “We want to create a better understanding of public policy for these young people and to encourage them to become part of the process,” she said.
    During the one and a half day program, students posed candid questions to Asian-American lobbyists, staff members and Senate fellows about their work at the Capitol.
    The low pay of political staffers is an issue that concerns some young people. Legislative staff members do not make nearly as much as a doctor, lawyer, engineer or other steady careers that Asian-American parents may prefer. A California Senate Fellow receives a monthly $1,972 stipend while a legislative assistant can earn anywhere from $32,500 to $64,200 a year, according to the Assembly Committee on Rules.
    While some acknowledge that their stipend is small, Senate fellows emphasized the impact their work has on public policy.
    Kiyomi Burchill, recent Stanford graduate and Senate fellow, works with Sen. Darrell Steinberg in researching bills. Because many of the legislators don’t have time to research all the bills, Burchill’s and other legislative staff’s opinions become important to the Senate members.
    “I’m astounded how much legislators take staff’s comments into consideration,” she said.
    The political participation of young Asian Americans is becoming increasingly important, according to Asian Pacific Islander Caucus Chair Alberto Torrico, because current political issues like immigration, healthcare and language access will impact them and their families.
    Yet many young people aren’t taking part in public policy and government issues because there is a general distrust in the government in youth, he said.
    “We keep raising their tuition, so how do you expect young people to trust the government when the consequences of our choices are affecting them all the time?” he said.
    The caucus holds several youth outreach programs like “Internship Day at the Capitol.” In the past, the caucus sponsored Asian-American members to speak at schools, created voting programs and created job shadowing and intern opportunities. But outreach is expensive and labor intensive, he said.
    Overall civic participation in the Asian-American community, including voting, has been historically low. A study conducted by the Asian Pacific American Legal Center showed that, overall, 53 percent of registered voters went to the voting booth in the 2006 primary elections, while only 43 percent of registered Asian and Pacific Islanders voted.
    Some young people believe that family viewpoints and obligations are reasons for the lack of political involvement in Asian-American youth.
    Siddharth Kulkarni, a 19-year-old sophomore at University of California , San Diego , said the lack of political discussion within Asian-American households also contribute to a lack diversity in the state legislature.
    “I’m pretty sure that politics isn’t the first thing that many Asian and Pacific Islander families discuss over dinner,” he said.
    Francais Choi, a 24-year-old senate fellow and graduate of University of California , San Diego , believes that the lack of involvement of Asian-American youth also stems from their families.
    “When there is a lack of political involvement with our parents, political activity may seem less relevant in our lives,” he said.
    Yet Kulkarin said he has noticed more families are becoming involved with politics as more realize the importance of discussing issues that affect the community.
    “A lot of people are realizing that it takes more than just a well-paying job and that we need some way to influence political decisions,” he said. “We need to be politically involved.”
    Assemblyman Torrico said it’s important that more young people realize the benefits of becoming involved with public policy and understand that the government can be a vehicle for positive change -- especially since the Asian-American population nationwide is projected to increase from 10 million to 30 million by 2050.
    "They have a tremendous responsibility to make sure everyone’s voices are being heard as the demographics keep changing in California ,” he said.

5/17/07 Los Angeles Times: “ California is leading nation in diversity: Minorities make up 57% of the state's population and one-third of the nation's, data show. The growth is likely to affect public policy,”
by Teresa Watanabe
    Deepening the nation's diversity, the minority population of the United States reached 100.7 million in 2006, led by California as home to the largest numbers of the two fastest-growing racial groups, Latinos and Asians, the Census Bureau reported today.
    Minorities now account for one-third of the nation's 300 million U.S. residents, with the largest share of them — 21% — living in California .
    They now constitute 57% of the state's population, including 13.1 million Latinos, 5 million Asians, 2.7 million blacks and 689,000 Native Americans and Alaska Natives, according to population estimates taken between July 1, 2005, and July 1, 2006.
    Non-Hispanic whites were still California 's largest racial group, at 15.7 million, but represented a shrinking proportion of the state's population.
    "As goes California , so goes the nation," said Marcelo Gaete, senior program director for the Los Angeles-based National Assn. of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund.
    Gaete and others said the nation's increasingly diverse population would probably have a significant effect on politics and public policy because minorities tend to vote differently than whites.
    In California , minority voters have shown "systematic differences" from whites in their electoral choices, with more support for more generous immigration policies, taxation and public investment in schools, according to Dowell Myers, a USC professor of urban planning and demographics.
    He said the difference is partly rooted in the fact that minorities are younger, with a greater personal stake in public schools, for instance.
    Nationally, the median age for Latinos was 27.4, compared with 30.1 for blacks, 33.5 for Asians and 40.5 for whites.
    "There is a schism," Myers said. "Older folks want older folks' benefits. They don't want to invest in younger folks' benefits, especially if they're minorities. But these people are the future workers, taxpayers and homeowners. To not embrace them is … putting your dollar into the wrong end of the life cycle.
    "Fundamentally," Myers said, "people have to realize we all have shared fates. It's necessary to pull together to have one shared future."
    The Census Bureau's estimates are based on population change from 2000 using annual data on births, deaths and international migration.
    Gaete said the new numbers underscored the importance for California to hold an early presidential primary election in February 2008.
    Otherwise, he said, states with largely white populations, such as New Hampshire and Iowa , will end up with oversized influence in narrowing the field for a national population they do not demographically reflect.
    "The country is becoming increasingly diverse, increasingly colorful, and our political system should reflect that," Gaete said.
    The demographers added what many political experts already know: that multicultural coalitions are the key to winning a growing number of elections today.
    Nationally, Latinos accounted for almost half the nation's population growth of 2.9 million.
    Their numbers increased by 3.4% to 44.3 million in 2006, constituting 14.8% of the nation's population, with the largest numbers in California, Texas and Florida.
    Blacks increased by 1.3% to 40.2 million, making up 13.3% of the nation's population. New York , Florida and Texas had the largest black populations.
    Asians grew by 3.2% to 14.9 million, accounting for 5% of the nation's population.
    The largest numbers were in California , New York and Texas .
    The census also counted 4.5 million Native Americans and Alaska Natives and 1 million native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islanders. The total of non-Hispanic whites who indicated no other race grew 0.3% to 198.7 million in 2006.
    Increasing diversity
    Minorities now account for one-third of the nation's 300 million residents and make up 57% of California 's population.
    Census Bureau population estimates as of July 1, 2006 (in millions)
    California    Nation
    White* 15.7    198.7
    Latino 13.1    44.3
    Asian 5.0    14.9
    Black 2.7    40.2
    Native American 0.7    4.5
    Pacific Islander 0.3    1.0
    Total population 36.5    299.4
* Non-Hispanic whites who indicated no other race
   Note: Group totals do not add up to the population totals because members of minority races may be counted in more than one group. Source: Census Bureau
    (A1) Minorities
    California is home to 20.7 million members of racial and ethnic minority groups, 21% of the nation's total.
    California - 21%
    Rest of U.S. - 79%
    Source: Census Bureau estimates 2006

11/06 Los Angeles Times: “Asian American voters flex muscles: Rebounding 
from a scandal, they see gains in both the electorate and the winners' circle,”
by David Pierson 
    A study released by the Asian American Pacific Legal Center that showed the Asian American electorate grew by nearly a third in Los Angeles County and more than two-thirds in Orange County in the last few years.
    Of 22 million eligible voters in California , about 2.5 million are Asian Americans.
Southern California has the nation's largest and most diverse Asian American population.
    The Asian Pacific American Legal Center 's study documented dramatic Asian American voter participation gains in L.A. and Orange counties but also showed that percentages did not equal the two counties' overall turnout numbers.
    In the 2004 general election, 78% of registered voters in L.A. County and 73% of registered voters in Orange County voted.
    By comparison, 71% of registered Asian American voters in L.A. County and 68% of those in Orange County voted.
    Although L.A. County 's electorate grew by 11% and Orange County 's by 12% between the 2000 and 2004 general elections, the Asian American electorate in L.A. County grew by 29% and Orange County 's grew by 68% in those years.
    The survey found that 40% of Asian American voters in L.A. County and 37% of Asian American voters in Orange County were deemed to have limited English proficiency. Koreans and Vietnamese voters struggled the most with English, the survey showed.
    The majority of Asian American voters in the two counties were foreign born. In L.A. County , they represented 67% of 271,497 Asian Americans who voted in the 2004 general election.
    In Orange County , foreign-born voters made up 80% of the 137,583 Asian Americans who voted in the same election.

Voters

Recent years have seen sharp growth in the Asian American electorate in Southern California . The breakdown by ethnic groups:
Asian American voters, 2004 general election

Los Angeles County