12/29/09 San Francisco Chronicle: “Senate GOP opposes S.F. judicial nominee,”
by Bob Egelko
    Edward Chen has taken GOP heat for his ACLU work.
    President Obama's nomination of U.S. Magistrate Edward Chen for a federal judgeship in San Francisco has run into trouble in the Senate, which sent Chen's name back to the White House last week in a sign of Republican opposition to the former American Civil Liberties Union attorney.
    Chen, 56, named a magistrate by Bay Area federal judges in 2001, was nominated by Obama to the lifetime judicial post in August. He would become the first Asian American judge in the Northern District of California, which covers the coastal area from Monterey County to the Oregon border.
    The Senate Judiciary Committee approved him by a party-line 12-7 vote in October. Republican opponents cited cases he handled as an ACLU attorney in San Francisco from 1995 to 2001, including an unsuccessful challenge to Proposition 209, the 1996 California initiative that banned government affirmative action programs based on race or gender.
    Opponents also cited some of his public statements, including a 2005 speech in which he questioned whether the government's response to Hurricane Katrina would have been quicker if most of the victims had been white and middle class rather than poor and black.
    The full Senate has not voted on Chen's confirmation. Last Thursday, the Senate returned six nominations for judicial and administration positions, including Chen's, to Obama for reconsideration, while leaving other pending nominees to await floor votes when Congress comes back from recess next month.
    The Senate action - announced by Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., after discussion with his Republican counterpart - does not amount to a rejection of the nominees but signals that they face at least some opposition. Obama must now decide whether to renominate them. Each would need another committee vote before returning to the Senate floor.
    The most prominent of the six is Dawn Johnsen, nominated 11 months ago to head the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel, which advises the department and the president on legal policy questions. Republican opponents and some anti-abortion Democrats have objected to her record as former legal director of NARAL Pro-Choice America.
    White House representatives were unavailable for comment Monday on Chen. But Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., who recommended Chen to Obama, said he has a "pristine record" as a magistrate and deserves confirmation.
    "My hope is that the president will renominate Ed Chen and we will be able to move his candidacy," Feinstein said.



12/24/09 KPCC Wire Services: "LA attorney becomes first Chinese American woman on federal bench,"
    Los Angeles attorney Dolly Gee's appointment as a U.S. District Court judge was approved today by the Senate and she will become the first Chinese American woman on the federal bench.
    Gee is a managing partner in the Los Angeles law firm of Schwartz, Steinsapir, Dohrmann & Sommers LLP, practicing labor and employment litigation.
    Gee has worked as a regional coordinator for the Teamsters union, supervising delegate elections, and been an arbitrator for the Kaiser Permanente Independent Arbitration System since 2000.
    She received a law degree from UCLA in 1984, where she graduated summa cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa as an undergraduate in 1981.
    Gee is a member of the board of directors of the Asian Pacific American Legal Center of Southern California and a former president of the Southern California Chinese Lawyers Association.
    Gee was selected for the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California by a bipartisan advisory committee established by California Democratic Sens. Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein, then appointed by President Barack Obama. She will serve in Los Angeles.
    Gee had been nominated a judgeship in 1999 by then-President Bill Clinton, but the Senate did not act on the nomination.
    "As a daughter of Chinese immigrants, she personifies the American dream,'' Boxer said.
    "She used her position as a prominent attorney in Los Angeles to promote racial tolerance and fight for justice for those who face discrimination.
    "I know I speak for many Californians, especially those in the Chinese and Asian American communities, in expressing my pride in Dolly Gee's historic confirmation as a U.S. District Court judge for the Central District.''


Frank Wu defended discrimination against Asian Americans in the California Proposition 209 litigation.  He represented amici curiae National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium et al.  The Ninth Circuit, the most liberal federal appeals court at that time, rejected Wu’s argument, and upheld Prop. 209 as constitutional.  Coalition for Economic Equity v. Wilson, 122 F.3d 692 (9th Cir. 1997). 
12/22/09 San Francisco Chronicle: "Hastings picks civil rights scholar as new dean,"
by Bob Egelko
    San Francisco -- Frank Wu, a Howard University law professor and civil rights scholar, will become dean of UC Hastings College of the Law in San Francisco next July, the school's directors said Tuesday.
    The school said Wu, 42, had been chosen after a nationwide search. Nell Newton, who had been dean since 2006, resigned in July to take the same position at the University of Notre Dame.
    Wu, a Michigan native, has said he changed his career plans from architecture to law as a teenager in response to the racially motivated murder of a young Chinese American man in Detroit in 1982.
    He first practiced law with a San Francisco firm and later taught at Columbia, the University of Michigan and Stanford. He became the nation's youngest law school dean at Wayne State University in Detroit in 2004 and served until mid-2008.
    Wu was chairman of the Washington, D.C., Human Rights Council in 2001-02. He is the author of the 2003 book "Yellow: Race in America Beyond Black and White," and was a coauthor of the 2001 textbook "Race, Rights and Reparation: Law and the Japanese American Internment."
    Wu is a member of the Committee of 100, a group founded by cellist Yo-Yo Ma, architect I.M. Pei and others to promote political participation by Asian Americans.
    The school says Wu will be paid $350,000 a year and has agreed to donate $25,000 of it to a Hastings fund for scholarships and academic support.
    Hastings, founded in 1878, is the University of California's oldest law school. It has about 1,300 students.



12/17/09 National Review “U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Weighs in on the Senate Health-Care Bill,”
by Roger Clegg
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights has sent a letter to various leading senators objecting to “racially discriminatory provisions” in the Senate’s health-care bill, like coercing medical schools and others into using racially preferential admission policies. The Commission had already noted the same constitutional problems in the House version.
http://www.usccr.gov/correspd/LetterPresidentSenatorsHealthCare12-11-09.pdf


12/11/09 New York Times: "From Icon to Lifestyle, the Marketing of Bruce Lee," 
by Mark McDonald
    Deceased artists, celebrities and rumpled physicists can generate substantial revenue for their heirs through merchandising and endorsement deals. Marilyn curtain rings, Warhol flip-flops, Elvis candy dishes — the possibilities are as endless as they are tacky.
    That is not what Shannon Lee wants for her father, Bruce Lee, the indomitable martial artist who died in 1973, at the age of 32, just a week before the release of his first Hollywood film, “Enter the Dragon.”
    Ms. Lee, 40, a former actress who lives in Los Angeles, was just 4 when her father died. Her memories of him, she said, are fleeting.
    “I wish I had more of them,” she said recently, sipping green tea in a Hong Kong cafe. “I have glimpses and images. Brief flashes.”
    Calling herself “the guide” for her father’s “legacy,” she has recently begun an effort to rebuild his image in the global marketplace. She calls it “relaunching the brand, as it were.”
    The estate now generates $2 million a year, Ms. Lee said, and she is hoping to increase that to about $5 million as “a decent base line.”
    With only a few films in Mr. Lee’s oeuvre, however, there is not much to relaunch. None of his feature films is controlled by the Lee estate, and they have all been copied and pirated so widely that even the licensed DVDs sell for as little as $2 in Hong Kong.
    Mr. Lee was born in San Francisco but grew up as a tough Hong Kong street kid. He trained obsessively in martial arts and perfected his own kung fu fighting style. Then three films produced in Hong Kong made him a superstar in Asia. 
    The huge success of “Enter the Dragon,” coupled with the death of its star, made Mr. Lee famous throughout the world. In the United States, the film was added to the National Film Registry of the Library of Congress and deemed an American classic. Mr. Lee got a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame and was named among Time magazine’s 100 most influential people of the 20th century.
    His celebrity was heightened by rumors and conspiracy theories about his death. Some said he had died in the arms of his mistress after a drug overdose, others suggested he had been the victim of a mob hit by a vengeful Triad boss, or had been felled by a karmic curse. The official inquiry ruled that his death was caused by brain swelling from an adverse reaction to a common pain reliever called Equagesic.
    Nearly four decades later, Mr. Lee clearly remains an icon of global popular culture. Rebecca Yau, the marketing manager of Fortune Star, which owns the early Hong Kong films starring Mr. Lee, said all his films were still selling well. She said a Blu-ray boxed set would soon be issued. 
    But over the years, Bruce Lee Enterprises generated comparatively minuscule revenues under the direction of Mr. Lee’s widow, Linda Lee Caldwell. There was little supervision of the use of Mr. Lee’s image or name. The estate did not even own the Internet domain name www.brucelee.com.
    His last home in Hong Kong had become a by-the-hour love motel. In recent months, the billionaire who owned the house donated it to the city, and plans are in the works to create a small museum there.
    Ms. Lee was in Hong Kong last month to look at the entries in a design competition for the museum, although the Lee estate is not affiliated with the project.
    “We have our own goal of building the Bruce Lee Action Museum in the States,” she said. It will probably be in Seattle, she said, where Mr. Lee once lived and is now buried.
    Ms. Lee became more involved in the preservation of her father’s legacy 10 years ago, and her mother passed the daily control of Bruce Lee Enterprises to her. Her main thrust was to assemble Mr. Lee’s philosophy, fitness, ambition and work ethic into a saleable concept.
    “We look at Bruce Lee as a lifestyle,” Ms. Lee said.
    She went to court to wrest the domain name from an entrepreneur who had bought it years ago and was using it as a portal to other unrelated businesses. 
The new Web site, introduced in October, includes some of Mr. Lee’s writings, an authorized biography, a blog and a shop with the usual celebrity array of shirts, posters, books, calendars, refrigerator magnets, widgets and wallpapers.
Ms. Lee also reacquired her father’s licensing rights from Universal Studios, which had held them for years. 
    “They did some licensing here and there, but they seemed passive,” Ms. Lee said. “There was never a pro-active energy behind it.”
    In July 2008, the estate signed with a company called GreenLight to negotiate the Bruce Lee “personality rights” — his name, image, likeness and signature. The company also handles the rights for such celebrities as Einstein, Steve McQueen and Johnny Cash.
    It is not entirely clear, however, how the Bruce Lee CelebriDuck — a rubber ducky “collectible” at $11.99 — or the $49 Bruce Lee lampshades help to burnish the legacy of a proud and fearsome martial artist.
    A 50-part television biography was recently shown in mainland China, licensed to the state-run CCTV network. And a deal was made in the United States for a two-hour documentary on the History Channel called “How Bruce Lee Changed the World.”
    Ms. Lee’s team also established a production company, LeeWay Media, to create new “content.” An animated film is in the works, plus a video game, and Ms. Lee said a computer-generated film starring her father was high on her wish list.
    A South Korean producer, Chul Shin, tried to strike a deal with the estate to make a such a film.
    “There are projects you do for money and others you do for passion,” said Michael Sheehy, a former talent agent in Los Angeles who is an adviser to Mr. Shin. “This was a passion project for us. It must be an extremely compelling story that honors the legacy of Bruce Lee.”
    Mr. Sheehy said the deal fell apart because the estate wanted too much creative control. He called the contractual demands “untenable,” and said no studio would accept them.
    Ms. Lee acknowledged the seriousness of Mr. Shin’s approach but said she was unhappy with the scripts she had read. Also, test screenings of the special effects appeared rudimentary.
    “We have to be careful or we’ll get left with a horrible movie that everybody’s laughing at,” she said. “The technology has not been advanced enough. Only now is it getting close.”
    On a waterfront promenade in Hong Kong, not far from Mr. Lee’s former home, there is a small statue of the star in a fighting pose. On a recent Sunday afternoon, hundreds of tourists, mostly from mainland China, posed there for pictures, some giddy, some solemn, most of them clearly adoring.
    “I have no interest in Bruce Lee or the martial arts industry, and I find it all a bit ridiculous,” said an Australian tourist, Tom Caughlin. “But it’s fascinating to watch all the people gather around this statue. All these people. It’s amazing.”
    Riva Hiranand contributed reporting.


12/8/09 New America Media: "New UC Admissions Policy Would Hurt African Americans, Asians,"
by Henry Der
    The new freshman admission policy will take UC admissions in the wrong direction, and it will seriously affect minority applicants. 
    Earlier this year on the recommendation of President Mark Yudof and the Academic Senate, the University of California Board of Regents adopted a new freshman admission policy. It greatly expands the eligible applicant pool but also reduces the historic guarantee of admission from the top 12.5 percent to 10 percent of the California high school graduating class. The new policy retains the eligibility requirement for applicants to complete 15 college prep courses, maintain a GPA of 3.0 or better in these courses, and take the SAT Reasoning Test (previously known as the SAT I), but eliminates the requirement for applicants to take the SAT Subject Tests that assess the mastery of specific academic subjects. 
    Analysis by Yudof’s office indicated that if the new policy had been applied to the fall 2007 entering freshman class, the percentage of Asian-American admittees would have dropped significantly, and that of African Americans and Latinos would not have changed. In contrast, the percentage of white admittees would have increased. Faculty members had initially intended the new policy to increase student diversity at UC. 
    Unfortunately, when UC drops guaranteed admission for those ranked between the 10 percentile and 12.5 percentile, African Americans, Latinos and low-income Asian Americans who are clustered in this band lose out on admission. 
    As the former California Deputy Superintendent of Public Instruction and a parent of three UC graduates, I was shocked by UC’s own analysis. I was not included in the discussion during the developmental phase of the policy, but I joined other Asian Americans in appealing to the Regents to delay their vote on the new policy so that its impact on racial minority applicants could be better understood. Long supportive of a diverse UC, we suspected that the analysis by UC did not fully explore the effect of using scores from only the SAT Reasoning test on racial minority admissions. The Regents denied our appeal for a delay and voted for the new policy to take effect for the fall 2012 entering freshman class.
    Yudof argued that the new policy is about “fairness.” He said that under the current policy many students who meet the high school coursework and GPA requirements and take the SAT Reasoning test, but fail to take the SAT Subject Tests, have been barred from having their application reviewed and considered for UC admission. Including these students, Yudof said, would create a more diverse pool of applicants entitled to have their application reviewed. 
    The new policy may expand and diversify the pool of applicants, but unlike the current policy, it does not guarantee admission to all applicants who meet UC eligibility requirements. UC will review more applications but will also reject many more applicants, including eligible racial minority students. 
    Retired UC Berkeley Professor Ling Chi Wang, Chinese for Affirmative Action Executive Director Vincent Pan and I met with UC officials this past summer and requested a simulation study of the impact of the new policy for each of the nine UC undergraduate campuses. UC officials agreed to do this simulation study, based on California Postsecondary Education Commission data, that would look at two scenarios at each campus: a small applicant pool increase and a large one.
    In November, UC officials released to us the results of its latest simulation study which showed dramatic and disturbing results: Had the new policy been in effect for the spring 2007 California public high school graduating class, the percentage of African-American and Asian-American admissions would have dropped at eight UC campuses under both scenarios, and declined under one of two scenarios at the ninth UC campus. The percentage of Latino admissions would have decreased at four campuses under both scenarios and dropped at three other campuses under one of two scenarios. The percentage of white admissions would have increased significantly at eight UC campuses under both scenarios. 
    In the stimulation study, African Americans, Latinos and Asians lose substantially in admissions on the Riverside campus, currently home to the largest group of African-American and Latino students, compared to all other campuses. 
    The results of this latest study uncovered how severe the impact would be on African-American admissions, much more than what was known at the time the policy was adopted. System-wide, the number of African-American admittees would have dropped 27 percent; Asian Americans, nearly 12 percent; and Latinos, nearly three percent. This is not a direction that UC admissions should be headed, especially when the number and percentage of UC-eligible African-American and Latino students has increased, due to their hard work in high school, during the past 10 years. 
    In the face of these latest findings, President Yudof and Academic Senate leaders continue to insist that UC “cannot know who will apply under the new policy, and among those who apply, who will be admitted.” They refuse to accept study findings coming out of the presidents’ own office, based on well-established, predictable UC freshman student applicant behavior for all high schools across the state. The new policy is neither fair nor wise.
    The impact of the new policy, coupled with higher tuition and stiffer competition stemming from freshmen student enrollment cutbacks, will cause UC-eligible racial minority and low-income high school graduates to experience much greater difficulty in achieving UC admission. 
    The Regents need to rescind the new freshman admission policy and direct the president and his staff to work with community members and high schools to improve the admission and enrollment of underrepresented racial minority students to UC. It has to be held accountable for implementing its commitment to diversity and equity. 
    Henry Der is a veteran civil rights activist. 


12/1/09 press release
    Asian American Leaders Applaud Jacqueline Nguyen's Historic Confirmation
    Washington — Another racial hurdle was cleared today when the Senate confirmed Jacqueline H. Nguyen to the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California, making her the first Vietnamese American Article III judge.
    “Judge Nguyen has made history and we congratulate her,” said Joseph J. Centeno National Asian Pacific American Bar Association president. “She has an excellent record with the California Superior Court and we are confident that she will serve as an outstanding District Court judge.” 
    The Senate approved Judge Nguyen this afternoon by a vote of 97-0. Judge Nguyen will also be the first Asian Pacific American female Article III judge in California history. Article III judgeships are lifetime presidential appointments. 
    “We have historically stressed the importance of diversity in the judiciary and hope that Judge Nguyen’s confirmation is the first of many which will change the makeup of the federal judiciary to better reflect the American people,” said Karen K. Narasaki, Asian American Justice Center president and executive director. 
    Prior to her Superior Court appointment, Judge Nguyen served in the Criminal Division of the United States Attorney’s Office. Before that, she was a commercial disputes, intellectual property and construction defects attorney with Musick, Peeler & Garrett in Los Angeles. 
    “This is an historic hearing and an historic day …the progress that we make today is long overdue,” Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy stated after his panel approved Judge Nguyen in September. 
    Centeno and Narasaki also thanked President Obama for nominating Judge Nguyen and California Sen. Diane Feinstein for recommending her.
    NAPABA Contact: Brian Wang (202) 775-9555
    AAJC Contact: Nicole Duran (202) 296-2300, ext. 144
    The National Asian Pacific American Bar Association (NAPABA) is the national association of Asian Pacific American attorneys, judges, law professors and law students. NAPABA represents the interests of over 40,000 attorneys and 62 local Asian Pacific American bar associations. Its members represent solo practitioners, large firm lawyers, corporate counsel, legal service and non-profit attorneys, and lawyers serving at all levels of government. NAPABA continues to be a leader in addressing civil rights issues confronting Asian Pacific American communities. Through its national network of committees and affiliates, NAPABA provides a strong voice for increased diversity of federal and state judiciaries, advocates for equal opportunity in the workplace, works to eliminate hate crimes and anti-immigrant sentiment, and promotes professional development of minorities in the legal profession.
    The Asian American Justice Center is a national organization dedicated to defending and advancing the civil and human rights of Asian Americans. It works closely with three affiliates – the Asian American Institute in Chicago the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco, and the Asian Pacific American Legal Center in Los Angeles – and nearly 100 community partners in 47 cities, 25 states and the District of Columbia.



[Evil corporations run commercials, while Bigots for the Left cast TV shows.]
11/23/09 Advertising Age: “More Asians in TV Spots? It's About Time Might Not Seem Like Much, But People Notice.”
by Bill Imada
    Have you noticed that there are more Asians in television ads these days than just a few short years ago? It's true. 
    Although I don't watch as much TV as I did when I was in college, I have noticed that more marketers are using Asian actors in their spots than ever before. 
    AT&T, Priceline, Walt Disney and IKEA (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ItLB0KcW38&feature=player_embedded) are just a handful of the many marketers who have included Asians in their commercials. And unlike the past, these Asian actors have roles that don't perpetuate or accentuate some of the tired stereotypes that have plagued Asians and Asian Americans for decades. 
    In the Priceline spot with actor William Shatner, an Asian couple could be any American husband and wife team. No forced Asian accents, high-pitched voices or even kung fu moves; just a typical, married couple searching for place to vacation online. 
    AT&T, who seems to always find ways to promote diversity in its spots, has a re-occurring character of Asian heritage in its TV ads. This Asian actor offers a voice of reason for his zany sidekick who lacks the wherewithal to select the best media solution for his lifestyle. What I like about this Asian character is the fact that he isn't an Asian techno geek. Instead, he is just a sensible, somewhat cynical guy who happens to be Asian. Nothing more, nothing less. 
    AT&T has another TV spot with the same two guys that include yet another Asian actor. In this particular spot, the same two actors from other AT&T commercials reappear: one Asian, one white. As the scene unfolds, you see a young Asian girl re-enacting a scene from a TV soap opera for the white character who doesn't have the multimedia capabilities he needs to pre-record or download the show for viewing later. The young Asian girl is joined by two of her non-Asian friends and leads the reenactment. 
    While this may not seem like that big a deal, the fact that the young Asian girl is leading the scene wasn't lost on me. It is nice to see that Asians can lead in a TV spot when we oftentimes aren't portrayed in leading roles on TV, on stage or on the Big Screen. 
    I also applaud the work being done by advertising agencies and their clients for portraying Asians and Asian Americans in a more favorable light. The American public really doesn't need to see more advertisements with Asians and Asian Americans engaged in karate fights, portrayed as laundrymen or kung fu masters, typecast as Chinese restaurant owners, or computer eggheads. Instead, Asians and Asian Americans want to see themselves (in TV, theater and movies) as being a part of the fabric that makes America one of the most richly diverse countries in the world. 
    I think I'll start watching a lot more TV. 


11/20/09 KCRA Sacramento: "Former Assemblyman Takasugi Dies: Son Says His Father Died From Stroke Complications," 
    Sacramento, Calif. -- Former state Assemblyman Nao Takasugi, who was sent to a Japanese internment camp during World War II, has died. He was 87.
    Takasugi, a Republican from Oxnard, spent six years in the Legislature before he was termed out of office in 1998. He had been the mayor of Oxnard for 10 years before winning the Assembly seat.
    His son, Ronald Takasugi, said Friday that his father died Thursday night of complications from a stroke. Robert Garcia of Garcia Mortuary in Oxnard told The Associated Press that arrangements are pending.
    Takasugi was a 19-year-old student at UCLA when he was sent to an internment camp. He later graduated from Temple University in Philadelphia before returning to California. 


11/16/09 Associated Press: "Chinese-Americans see Obama's trip in unique light,"
by Jesse Washington
    As President Barack Obama visits China seeking to balance a seesawing relationship, Chinese-Americans embody the challenges facing the giants of East and West.
    They have as many different feelings about their ancestral home — hope, indifference, pride, pain — as there are characters in the Chinese language. Yet many share a conviction that is both logical and personal: The destinies of China and America are inseparable.
    "Each one is dependent on the other to make their economy strong," said David Zhang, a New York City physician who immigrated to America at age 25. "The U.S. cannot leave China, and China cannot leave the U.S. It's symbiotic, like an organism."
    The Great Recession has bound the two nations even tighter, and given China greater influence. America borrowed unprecedented sums to resuscitate itself. China, which needs American consumers to fuel its growth, supplied much of that cash and is America's largest foreign lender.
    "It's like that little brother you always used to pick on, and now he's lending you money," said Nanci Zhang (no relation to David), a 22-year-old Los Angeles resident. "But you can't quite conceive of one brother without the other."
    Nanci Zhang was born in Beijing and moved with her parents to the United States when she was 3. In her American schools, she remembers China's long history being celebrated while its present was ignored. Now she sees her homeland coming to America's economic rescue, and "it's kind of validating."
    About three million U.S. residents are of Chinese descent, according to a 2008 Census estimate. About a third were born here, a third are naturalized citizens, and a third have arrived in the past few years, said Cheng Li, a China scholar at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C.
    David Zhang came to America in 1985 looking for freedom and opportunity. "What I dream of here I couldn't even dream of in China: cars, a house, a good, decent job. I could dream that here, and I realized it. Now in China, all these things we accomplished, they have accomplished."
    Zhang, a pathologist at Mount Sinai Hospital in Manhattan and president of the Association of Chinese American Physicians, leads regular delegations of American doctors to his homeland. He collaborates with China on cancer research and clinical trials and is urging his hospital to enter the Chinese health care market.
    "As Chinese physicians, we meet with the (Mount Sinai) board of trustees regularly. Ten years ago you don't even dare speak to them," he said.
    Yet many Chinese-Americans fear that China's rise could create a backlash. They still have painful memories of Vincent Chin, the Chinese-American beaten to death in 1982 by two unemployed Detroit autoworkers as Japanese cars were beginning to decimate the American auto industry.
    "That kind of hate crime, senseless hate crimes, would happen if the countries' relations are not very good. So on a personal level, Chinese-Americans are always very anxious," said Min Zhou, a sociology professor at UCLA and author of "Contemporary Chinese America." "
    As China's economy has grown, she said, "sometimes I would hear people say, even jokingly, 'Oh, you're taking our jobs away.' When I hear this, I feel, 'Who am I? I'm American.'"
    Chinese-Americans also are acutely aware of China's problems, such as pervasive pollution, widespread rural poverty and repression by the Communist government.
    "I don't feel like China is stable. It has so many problems, I feel like it's ready to explode at any time," said Amy Yuan Zhou, no relation to the professor, a 23-year-old UCLA postgraduate student who moved to America when she was 4.
    Those problems have been a longtime source of tension with America, especially with U.S. criticism of China's record on human rights and Chinese retorts about American hypocrisy due to its racial problems.
    Now America's first black president is forging a new image of inclusion, which could exert a subtle pressure on China to do the same.
    "An African-American president, that itself speaks loud," said Li, the Brookings scholar. He said a Chinese minister of foreign affairs was asked at a recent press conference if he could imagine a minority as president of China, but did not answer.
    Li hoped that Obama's trip could mark a turning point, from American finger-pointing to a more respectful and cooperative exchange: "The 21st-century world requires a constructive relationship."
    Another turning point for some was the 2008 Olympics in Beijing. "The distance between us seemed to shrink," said UCLA professor Zhou. "That's pretty profound for me."
    "My parents liked seeing Chinese people succeed on a wider stage, especially in athletics," said Nanci Zhang, the Los Angeles resident. "You and I both know what the Chinese are known for, things like physics and chemistry."
    So which country did she cheer for?
    "The better one," she laughed, without elaborating.
    Perhaps she couldn't. America took home the most medals: 110, including 36 golds. China was next with 100 medals — including a leading 51 golds.
    EDITOR'S NOTE: Jesse Washington covers race and ethnicity for The Associated Press



11/10/09 Daily Princetonian: “Few minorities among University's senior ranks: Only African-American senior administrator set to retire in June,”
By Henry Rome 
    When Vice President for Campus Life Janet Dickerson retires in June, the University will lose a devoted and caring administrator, President Tilghman and students told The Daily Princetonian last month. But the University will also lose the only African-American member among its senior administrators.
    The University began a concerted effort to increase faculty and staff diversity five years ago. Still, the senior administration — the 25 highest-ranking officials in charge of University governance — has far less minority representation than the student body, and less than the senior administrations at several peer institutions, including Harvard, Dartmouth and Cornell.
    Minorities make up 8 percent of the members of Princeton’s senior administration, which includes officials from Tilghman and the senior deans to the vice presidents and the University librarian, according to the University Governance website. For the student body, that number is 32 percent.
    “It doesn’t make sense that the student body looks one way but the administration looks a different way,” said Charles Wright ’11, president of both the Black Student Union and the Black Men’s Awareness Group. “I just wonder what the problem is.”
    In 2004, the University set out to examine this question, establishing the Diversity Working Group to look at diversity issues among employees, including senior administrators. At the time, Dickerson was the only minority who was a senior administrator.
    Now there are two: Nilufer Shroff, who is of Indian descent, was named the University’s first chief audit and compliance officer in 2007. The rest of the senior administrators are white.
    Diversity in that group is a “priority” for the University and a topic that has been discussed by senior administrators, said Terri Harris Reed, the vice provost for institutional equity and diversity.
    But Dickerson’s planned retirement has raised new questions about why the University’s senior administration — in many ways, the public face of the University — is not more diverse.
    “Prospective students or people looking at Princeton and trying to see Princeton ... will look at [the senior] administration,” Julia Xu ’11, the co-president of the Chinese Students Association, said. “Having that administration not reflect diversity in the student body will give a distorted view.”
    But this is not just an issue at Princeton, said sociology professor Patricia Fernandez-Kelly, who is an expert in diversity and immigration.
    “This is not a problem that Princeton University can solve alone,” she explained. “There are more people of minority backgrounds in this University than there used to be, perhaps not enough, but … it’s a problem that transcends much of what the University can do.”
    The need for a ‘multi-faceted effort’
    Five years ago, at Tilghman’s request, the Diversity Working Group was formed  to examine diversity and recruitment among all employees at the University. Tilghman declined to comment for this article.
    The group, co-chaired by Dickerson and Executive Vice President Mark Burstein, was specifically charged with studying ethnic and racial diversity, Dickerson told the ‘Prince’ in February 2005.
    The working group was created at a time when significant controversy surrounded issues of diversity, especially following the departure of at least 10 minority staff members in fall 2004. “I think there is a problem,” Reed told the ‘Prince’ in September of that year.
    “If people aren’t feeling validated or respected in their work, then they’ll look for places [where] they are,” one of the University Health Services staffers who departed said in a September 2004 interview.
    The working group issued a report in October 2005 that called for better communication among those working in different diversity initiatives and an emphasis on “affinity groups,” where employees of the same race, gender, ethnicity or sexual orientation can meet.
    “It is clear to the working group that changing the culture of an institution only happens through sustained multi-faceted effort,” the report said. The working group called on the University to work with hiring managers to further educate them on diversity issues and to increase the diversity of applicant pools.
    In the four years since the report’s release, there has been turnover in six senior administrative positions. Five of those positions were filled by women, including Shroff, who is the sole member of an ethnic minority hired since the report’s release.
    Among peers, U. lags behind 
    Princeton lags behind many of its peer and neighboring institutions when it comes to diversity among senior administrative officials, according to data obtained by the ‘Prince’ from Harvard, Yale, Dartmouth, Cornell, Duke and The College of New Jersey.
    Princeton trails behind all of those schools except Yale, which has no minority members among its senior administration of eight university officers and 14 deans, Yale President Richard Levin said in an e-mail to the ‘Prince.’
    “There are, regrettably, no officers or deans of color, but we have considered candidates of color for most positions,” Levin said. “We make a special effort to ensure that in all searches for senior positions we identify candidates who are women or members of minority groups.”
    The gap between Princeton and most of the other schools is modest: Princeton’s 8 percent compares with Cornell’s and Duke’s 11 percent and Dartmouth’s 12 percent. But 15 percent of Harvard’s officers, deans and vice presidents are minorities, and the diversity among the senior administration at The College of New Jersey is 18 percent.
    Dickerson noted, however, that universities define “senior administration” in different ways. She instead emphasized the “steady progress” the University has made in diversifying the roughly 250 members who make up a broader swath of administrators, called the “executive, administrative and managerial” positions.
    In 2004, 8.3 percent of people in those positions were ethnic minorities, while the median among the University’s “peer institutions” was 11.4 percent, according to statistics provided by the University. In 2008, that number at Princeton grew to 13 percent, closing in on a median among peer institutions that rose to 14 percent that year.
    University spokeswoman Cass Cliatt ’96 defined these “peer institutions” as “other highly selective institutions, including those on the upper East Coast, on the West Coast and in the Midwest,” she said in an e-mail.
    The University’s progress in closing the gap between its minority representation and its peers’ was a step in the right direction, Dickerson said.
    “That’s not necessarily a number to say we’re showing leadership in this area — we’re not necessarily really thrilled about it,” she said. “But I believe that the efforts that the University has been making over the past several years have been very intentional and very focused.”
    ‘A whole spectrum’ not represented
    Some students, however, said they do not think these efforts have yielded adequate progress.
    “There’s a whole spectrum of people of different colors who aren’t represented,” Wright said. “They would be able to offer something different.”
    Leslie-Bernard Joseph ’06, a former president of both the Black Student Union and the USG who was a vocal critic of the senior administration’s diversity at the time the working group was established, also said that ethnic and racial diversity would bring in a variety of backgrounds and therefore allow the University to govern better.
    “In order for the University to just serve all of its students well, the people that make decisions need to have some sort of perspective on how the different communities at Princeton feel,” he explained. “While that doesn’t mean exclusively that people who are making decisions need to be [the] same race of the person who they are thinking about, I think it’s extremely helpful that ... people [in] the administration have a greater understanding of that perspective.”
    University officials said Princeton strives to bring people with a variety of perspectives to the senior administration.
    “There are research studies that have been done to show that in a work setting [and] in a learning setting ... the outcomes you get are different [if] you have a group of people from different backgrounds,” Reed said. “You have a different perspective, set of experiences, background to bring to issues [and] how you solve problems.”
    And diversity should not be defined solely by ethnic minority representation, Dickerson said.
    “It’s easier probably to see color than some other dimensions of diversity. I want to emphasize that we are making every effort to make sure that our pools do include candidates of color in them,” she explained. “So while some elements of diversity are less visible than others, I think it’s notable that we do have LGBT people on the University’s cabinet, that we have people from different ages and generations, that we have people who have had immigrant backgrounds, and others.”
    Obstacles to increasing diversity
    The university’s efforts to increase diversity in the senior administration face serious challenges from the stereotypes Princeton has often been tagged with, as well as the negative treatment of minority groups in the United States over generations, students and faculty said.
    Pressures to incorporate minorities into administrative positions at colleges and universities increased at several other institutions in the 1980’s, when minorities “were incorporated precisely as a result of the pressure on the part of students and other groups,” Fernandez-Kelly said.
    But some of the new staffers, she added, were ill-prepared for the jobs they took.
    “They became terrible embarrassments,” she said. “I realize students are impatient the same way that many of us are impatient with change that is positive, but I think that sometimes students don’t realize how difficult it is to both reach out and try to incorporate members of minority groups who are qualified.”
    Some students attribute the particular challenge that Princeton faces in trying to diversify its senior administration to its reputation as an institution where, historically, diversity was not always emphasized.
    “I think for a long time, a diverse range of candidates would not have applied to a place like Princeton just because of, you know, the negative perception that people had of the place because of whatever historical stereotypes that the University has,” Joseph explained.
    “I think that as the school begins to change for the better [and], in many ways, becomes a more progressive place, you begin to have a broader pool of applicants from which to choose,” he added.
    Fernandez-Kelly, however, said the problem is long-term.
    “The problem with African-Americans is the level of hostility [in the United States] they have experienced for many generations cannot be wiped out in a single generation,” she said, adding that there is “still a lot of disadvantage being faced by working-class and unemployed African-Americans.”
    “And so suddenly to want to have a large pool of qualified candidates for administrative positions is not terribly realistic,” she noted.
    Making progress
    To further incorporate the University into the community and emphasize its commitment to diversity, the University has actively reached out to local minority communities, said Robert Martinez, the University’s first manager of diversity and inclusion.
    Martinez, who was hired in 2007 based on the working group’s recommendations, said the University has held “town and gown meetings” with local minority professionals.
    He described the University as a “cradle to grave” employer like many universities, so diversity among employees will lag behind current trends.
    “Our employee base [is] what this area of New Jersey looked like 25 years ago,” Martinez explained.
    He also noted that there are about half a dozen “employee resource groups” — including the Princetonians of Color Network and groups for the Chinese community, South Asian administrators, Latino administrators, international community and LGBT community — that allow minority employees to collaborate and connect with one another.
    A search party, with a ‘diverse slate’
    The search for Dickerson’s replacement will be aided by the Boston search firm Isaacson, Miller. It will assist the University in obtaining a “diverse slate” of applicants, Martinez said.
    “We want all kinds of diversity, not necessarily racial [or] ethnic diversity [but] regional diversity, age, sexual orientation,” he added.
    The firm is also helping the University in its search for a director of Public Safety, according to the firm’s website.
    Overall, Dickerson — who has been at the University for nine years — said diversity has increased greatly during her tenure.
    “Princeton feels quite different than it did, from my point of view, four, and eight, and 10 years ago ... But we could do more. We should not be satisfied with the gains that we have made,” Dickerson said. “Sometimes it takes … questions from students or observations made by those on the outside looking in to remind us that we do have a way to go.”

11/10/09 Harvard Magazine: "Faculty Diversity Developments,"
    Women now hold 26 percent of the ladder-faculty positions (professor, associate professor, assistant professor) at the University—395 positions out of 1,507—and minorities 17 percent—258 positions—according to the 2009 annual report of the Office of Faculty Development and Diversity (FD&D), published today. The report and accompanying exhibits are posted at the FD&D website. 
    According to the report, the number of ladder faculty members rose by 96 (7 percent) during the past six years; senior appointments rose from 888 to 997, and the junior-faculty census declined from 523 to 510. Two-thirds of Harvard’s ladder faculty members are full professors, and just one-third are in the junior ranks (assistant and associate professors), where women and minorities are much more heavily represented.
    The data, published under the auspices of FD&D’s director, senior vice provost Judith D. Singer, show that within the Faculty of Arts and Sciences (FAS), women hold 22 percent of the senior professorships, but 37 percent of the junior appointments. By division, women hold 23 percent of the full professorships in the social sciences, 32 percent in the humanities, 12 percent in the natural sciences, and 9 percent in engineering. The representation of women in the junior-faculty ranks is a different story entirely: 46 percent of junior-faculty members in social sciences are women, 40 percent in humanities, 28 percent in natural sciences, and 22 percent in engineering.
    In the professional schools, the proportion of women in the full-professor ranks ranges from a low of 14 percent in the dental school, 16 percent in the medical school Quad (excluding the faculty in the affiliated hospitals), and 17 percent at the law school, to highs of 22 percent in public health, 36 percent in divinity, and 37 percent in education (where Singer herself is Conant professor of education).
    The population of minority faculty members remains small, with Asian/Pacific Islanders accounting for 168 ladder positions (and accounting for two-thirds of the growth in the past six years), and black, Latino, and Native American professors as a whole holding just 90 positions—representing, respectively, 3 percent, 3 percent, and 0.2 percent of the University faculty overall.
    The report notes that in the University’s faculty ranks, the number of women has risen by 55 (or 16 percent) during the past six years.  The number of black faculty members has risen by just five since 2003-2004, and is in fact down by two compared to last year. From 2003-2004 to the current year, the share of junior-faculty appointments held by women has risen from 34 percent to 36 percent, while the proportion of senior-faculty appointments has risen by 3 points, to 21 percent.
    In the current economic circumstances—with new hiring slowed significantly in FAS, the largest faculty (about 47 percent of the University total), and retirement incentives looming for senior professors—the most significant changes in the future composition of the faculty may, ironically, come from shrinkage, rather than continued growth. Given the proportionally higher representation of women among the junior professors, retirements among a faculty skewed toward the senior ranks would tend to make the professoriate more diverse, all other factors held equal. Given the very limited number of black and Native American junior professors, the effect of retirements on further diversifying the faculty among these underrepresented groups would be negligible.



11/10/2009 Richmond Style Weekly: "Suit Alleges Harassment at Williams Mullen: The “Cucumber Incident”"
by Lisa Antonelli Bacon 
    A former worker at Williams Mullen is suing the law firm, charging sexual harassment and discrimination in U.S District Court. The lawsuit, filed in Norfolk on Nov. 4, asks for $950,000 in punitive damages plus legal fees. 
    In the federal court filing, Vietnam native Hanh Nguyen Allgood, who was records manager at Williams Mullen from 1989 to March 2007, alleges that one of the firm’s partners, Robert E. Eicher, once asked her if her vagina was horizontal or vertical. The suit also alleges that he “often walked around the firm dressed as a doctor showing his gloves and asking female staff if they wanted to be ‘examined.’”
    The suit further alleges that Eicher had several sexual relationships with employees and publicly described his sexual encounters with them. The suit describes what’s referred to as the “cucumber incident,” in which Eicher allegedly pressed suggestively against various women at the firm before extracting a cucumber from his pants pocket. Allgood says Eicher hugged her in an elevator and pressed the cucumber against her thigh in a sexually suggestive manner. Eicher didn’t return Style’s calls by press time.
    James V. Meath, vice chairman at Williams Mullen, said on Monday he was aware of the lawsuit but had yet to review it. “I’ve heard about it, but I haven’t seen it,” he said. “There’s no merit to this.” 
    Allgood’s suit alleges that another partner, Douglas Nabhan, made racially derogatory comments, insinuating that Allgood prepared her meals with dogs and cats and referring to Allgood’s then-husband, who is Hispanic, as a “wetback.”  Nabhan, reached Monday, said he was unaware of the lawsuit. After several complaints, including ones made directly to Thomas R. Frantz, head of the firm’s Virginia Beach office, no disciplinary action was taken, according to Allgood. All of the alleged sexual harassment incidents occurred at the firm’s Richmond offices, the suit says.
    Frantz promised Allgood that “things would get better,” according to the filing, but the lawsuit alleges that Allgood’s supervisors “treated Allgood worse than ever.”
    The suit comes on the heels of discrimination claims at Williams Mullen. Late last year, six former employees and one employee still on the job filed discrimination claims with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission alleging a hostile work environment and unequal terms and conditions of employment. All charges were dismissed.


10/8/09 Wall Street Journal: "From Chinatown to Everytown,"
by James M. Bergquist
New York
www.mocanyc.org
    The relocated and newly designed Museum of Chinese in America held its formal opening on Sept. 22, displaying an ambitious exhibit, "With a Single Step: Stories in the Making of America." This was a landmark occasion for the museum, which was founded in 1980 as a project to collect historical information and artifacts about New York's Chinatown. While marking the opening of the new location in Chinatown's northern limits, the museum also celebrates the story of the emergence of Chinese-Americans into the mainstream of American life, thus extending the museum's scope beyond Chinatown into the national realm.
    The new site is on the lower floors of an industrial building at 215 Centre St. (the former one, at 70 Mulberry St., continues to hold research archives). The exterior of the building gives little hint of what is inside. The interior space was designed by the noted architect and designer Maya Lin, who kept some of the "old" feeling of the building by retaining a rough brick central courtyard and skylight. The area suggests a traditional tenement courtyard, perhaps in Chinatown, or perhaps in China itself. The exhibition space, designed by Matter Architecture Practice, wraps around this area, lending a modern feeling in contrast with the courtyard.
    In the fashion common to most ethnic museums, the Museum of Chinese in America chronicles the stories of successful Chinese-Americans and the contributions Chinese have made to American life. But beyond that lies another major theme, framed as two parallel "journeys": the transition in the Chinese-Americans' own vision of their place in America, and other Americans' evolving perceptions of the Chinese. The Chinese view is conveyed by testimonies of individuals through television monitors spread throughout the exhibition.
    The changing perceptions of Americans are most tellingly represented in a section of the exhibit displaying stereotypes of the Chinese, as seen in posters, cartoons and advertisements. These reflect the varying ways in which the Chinese became imprinted in the American mind. The "Yellow Peril" image of the Chinese can be seen in the images of the villainous Fu Manchu, created in novels by Sax Rohmer and repeated in many early 20th-century movies. But there was also the innocuous stage Chinese laundryman, offering his "so solly" apologies for missing shirts. There was the image of the mystical and occult conjurer, as cultivated by the magician William Ellsworth Robinson, who colored his face yellow and took on the name Chung Ling Soo. Mystery, seductiveness and evil seemed wrapped up in a sketch of the Dragon Lady, originally created in 1934 by cartoonist Milton Caniff for his comic strip "Terry and the Pirates." The co-curators of the exhibit, Cynthia Ai-fen Lee and John Kuo Wei Tchen, noted that these older stereotypes, developed in the days when Chinatowns were segregated and mysterious places in American cities, seem to have little resonance with younger Americans today. In the past half-century, there has been an emerging stereotype of the Chinese as "Model Minority," represented by honor students, computer geniuses and violin prodigies—a stereotype perhaps as false as any of the others.
    In many ways the Chinese-American story reflects that of other immigrant groups in America. However, a deeper inquiry reveals many aspects that are unique to the Chinese. From the early days in the gold fields of California, their circumstances created an unusually insular and defensive ethnic community. Chinese came as sojourners and were expected to return to their homeland. Those who stayed were denied citizenship under the naturalization laws of the time. Their presence raised the ire of white working-class elements, and the result was the first American law to specifically exclude a racial or ethnic group, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. The act excluded working-class Chinese, while allowing merchants, teachers and tourists to enter. This aspect of Chinese-American history is amply documented with photographs of Chinese American life, and by documents produced by their adversaries.
    There thus developed demographically a highly unusual ethnic community. The overall number of foreign-born Chinese steadily declined, even though there were many illegal immigrants who eluded the exclusion law or entered on falsified documents. Those born in America were citizens under the terms of the Fourteenth Amendment, and had civil rights that their parents did not have. At all times there was a severe imbalance between men and women—about 20 to 1 toward the end of the 19th century. The number of minor children was small, and a "normal" family life was practically impossible. The result was an inbred and culturally stagnant community.
    The Chinese communities also harbored many internal conflicts, between dominant merchants and other classes, among immigrants from various regions in China, and among rival community organizations. Conflict was intensified with the outbreak of the Civil War in China, beginning in the late 1920s; there were supporters of both sides in the American Chinatowns. The tensions abated while the Chinese united to defeat the Japanese, but they broke out once more when the civil war renewed and the Communists took over the mainland.
    In 1943 the U.S., now in alliance with China against the Japanese, repealed the exclusion laws, but under the existing quota system it allowed the entry of only 105 Chinese per year. Those limitations were lifted by the new general immigration law of 1965, which abolished the old quota system. It was only then that the closed, introverted Chinese communities could be transformed by a larger influx of immigrants from both mainland China and Taiwan.
    The MOCA exhibit gives us a better understanding of many of these complexities of the Chinese-American story, although it perhaps softens its account of the internal tensions within Chinatown by focusing instead on those issues which united Chinese Americans. It certainly carries outsiders' understandings beyond stereotypes and into a more accurate perception of Chinese-American life.
    —Mr. Bergquist is emeritus professor of history at Villanova University, and author of "Daily Life in Immigrant America, 1820-1870: How the First Great Wave of Immigrants Made Their Way in America" (Ivan R. Dee, 2009).


11/6/09 Business Wire: “Asian Pacific Americans Remain Absent from Corporate Boardrooms, Says LEAP's Report,”
by Leadership Education for Asian Pacifics, Inc. 
    Washington - (Business Wire) Leadership Education for Asian Pacifics, Inc. (LEAP) unveils the findings of its 2009 Corporate Governance Report measuring Asian Pacific American (APA) inclusion on the boards of Fortune 100 companies. 
    “Despite social, business and economic rise, Asian Pacific Americans remain absent from corporate boardrooms,” said J.D. Hokoyama, LEAP’s President and CEO. “This is an issue we hope to address fully in 2010 as part of our long-term strategy on research of APA representation in top leadership roles in the public, private, foundation, education and nonprofit sectors.” 
    Key Findings 
    In 2009, 23 Asian Pacific Americans held just 27 board seats at 24 companies in the Fortune 100. APAs constitute over 5% of the US population and more than $500 billion in purchasing power. 
    There are 23 APAs that hold 27 board seats at 24 Fortune 100 companies. 
    The 27 board seats represent 2.2% of the total 1,220 board seats in the Fortune 100. 
    The breakdown of these APA board of directors by ethnic group is as follows: Asian Indian (13), Chinese (6), Japanese (2), Filipino (1) and Vietnamese (1). 
    Five (21.7%) out of the 23 APA directors are women. 
    Four board members sit on more than one Fortune 100 board: John S. Chen, Rajat K. Gupta, Andrea Jung and Marissa T. Peterson. 
    Seven APA directors served as (vice) chair, (co) president and/or (co) chief executive officer of a Fortune 500 company in 2009. 
    Three Fortune 100 companies have more than one APA director on their boards: Goldman Sachs, PepsiCo and Best Buy. 
    The 24 Fortune 100 companies with APA representation on their boards are: General Electric, Hewlett-Packard, Citigroup, IBM, Procter & Gamble, Morgan Stanley, Dell, MetLife, Goldman Sachs, Wells Fargo, Safeway, Supervalu, PepsiCo, Kraft Foods, Best Buy, Cisco Systems, Walt Disney, News Corp., Apple, Motorola, Prudential, Humana, Deere and Alcoa (listed in order of revenue ranking in Fortune magazine). 
    About Asian Pacific Americans (APAs): 
    There are several terms that are used interchangeably referring to this community: Asian, Asian American, Asian Pacific Islander and Asian Pacific American, to name a few. There are two major groups that comprise the community: Asian and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander. The US Census Bureau defines the Asian category as “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent”, which includes over 20 ethnic groups. The Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander category is defined as “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Hawaii, Guam, Samoa, or other Pacific Islands.” 
    People of Asian and Pacific Islander descent make up more than half the world’s population and more than 5 percent (16.2 million) of the total US population making it one of the fastest-growing groups in the United States. According to the US Census Bureau’s 2007 American Community Survey, the largest Asian groups in the US include: Chinese (23.28%), Filipino (20.06%), Asian Indian (18.22%), Vietnamese (10.78%), Korean (10.13%) and Japanese (8.02%). Native Hawaiian, Samoan and Chamorro (Guamanian) are the largest Pacific Islander groups in the country. 
    The Selig Center for Economic Growth at The University of Georgia, Terry College of Business projects Asian Pacific American buying power will more than quintuple, climbing from $116 billion in 1990 to $509 billion in 2008 and to $752 billion in 2013. The 337 percent gain from 1990 through 2008 is substantially greater than the increases in buying power projected for whites (139 percent), the US as a whole (151 percent), blacks (187 percent) and Native Americans (213 percent). Currently, the Asian Pacific American market already outshines the entire economies of all but seventeen countries—it is smaller than the 2007 GDP of Turkey but larger than the GDP of Sweden. 
    About LEAP: 
    Leadership Education for Asian Pacifics, Inc. (LEAP) is a national organization founded in 1982 with a mission to achieve full participation and equality for Asian Pacific Americans through leadership, empowerment and policy. With original programs in leadership training, public policy research and community education, LEAP raises the impact and visibility of Asian Pacific Americans in all sectors. LEAP is headquartered in Los Angeles and has an office in Washington, DC. 
    Under its leadership research initiative, LEAP will produce a series of research reports to evaluate APA representation at the highest levels of the American workplace in Corporations, Foundations, Nonprofits, Higher Education and the Federal government. This baseline research will be used to measure APA representation in leadership roles. 
LEAP
Rima K. Matsumoto
VP, Research & Strategic Alliances
Tel. (202) 412-4190
Fax (202) 204-5109
www.leap.org

11/5/09 Northwest Asian Weekly: “New study says Asian Americans losing out on government contracts,” 
    A new study by UCLA researcher Dr. Paul Ong revealed that Asian Americans win the fewest contracts when it comes to local, state, and federal minority government-contracting programs.
    “We were disappointed, but not surprised, to learn that disparity still exists across the board,” said Aarathi D. Haig, staff attorney at Asian American Justice Center (AAJC), who leads the Asian American Contractor Empowerment Project. “While some progress has been made, racial discrimination unfortunately is still alive and well.”
    AAJC commissioned the study, which focused on government contracting in the San Francisco, Chicago, and Atlanta metropolitan areas. Ong’s work follows up on a broader study he did for AAJC in 2008. While the new findings are of particular interest to Asian American communities in the regions studied, national trends can be extrapolated from his new findings. Among these are:
    Korean Americans have the highest self-employment rate among Asian Americans, but they still do not earn as much as their non-Latino white counterparts, even after controlling for education and other characteristics.
    Controlling for other factors, race still affects differences in self-employment rates, earnings potential, and incorporation rates. 
    Racial discrimination has created a significant barrier for Asian Americans to enter social networks, where contracting deals often originate and close. 
    After discussing the uphill battle Asian Americans face in landing government contracts, Oiyan Poon, one of the project’s research assistants, recommended that Asian American business owners, chambers of commerce, and community leaders become more politically engaged.
    “No one else is going to do it for you,” Haig advised. “If exclusion of Asian Americans can happen in Chicago, it can happen anywhere. It’s up to us to fight our own battle.”
    In 2003, Asian Americans were excluded from the city of Chicago’s Minority Business Enterprise program because there was insufficient evidence of racial discrimination against them to justify their inclusion. After significant community organizing and demonstrations of political leadership, quantitative and qualitative data in the form of testimonials were produced that demonstrated that Asian American contractors in Chicago did indeed face discrimination.
    That jolt spurred Asian Americans in Chicago to pay closer attention and become more involved in the Windy City’s civic life. Momentum has remained strong, resulting in the uncontested inclusion of Asian Americans during the program’s 2009 reauthorization.
    “Asian American business owners need to take time out of their busy schedules to engage in local politics,” Haig said. “Whether it’s running for office themselves, supporting someone with a pro-Asian American business agenda, or simply casting a ballot on election day, we need to join the community at large in creating the change we want.”
    The full study will be released and available to the public before Thanksgiving, Poon said.

11/4/09 New York Times: “Republicans Win 2 Council Races in Queens,”
by Jennifer B. Lee
    Republicans picked up two City Council seats in Queens on Tuesday, defeating Democratic opponents, both Asian-American, who had survived grueling primaries. The hard-fought races were among the most expensive Council contests this year, in large part because the primaries had drawn numerous contenders.
    Peter A. Koo, a 57-year-old millionaire pharmacist, defeated his Democratic rival, Yen S. Chou, who runs a tutoring center, by 49.6 percent to 44.7 percent, in the 20th Council District, which includes Flushing. Mr. Koo will succeed John C. Liu, who became the first Asian-American elected to the Council in 2001, and was elected city comptroller on Tuesday. 
    Daniel J. Halloran III, a 38-year-old Republican lawyer, defeated Kevin D. Kim, an aide to Representative Gary L. Ackerman, by a similar margin, 52.5 percent to 47.5 percent, in the 19th Council District in northeastern Queens. The race — to fill a seat vacated by Councilman Tony Avella, who ran unsuccessfully for mayor in the September Democratic primary — was particularly divisive, with race and religion both figuring as wedge issues. 
    Mr. Koo, who is sometimes known as the “Mayor of Flushing,” had been endorsed by Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, numerous Queens publications and even some Democrats. He spent upwards of $200,000 of his own money on this campaign, and $300,000 last year in an unsuccessful State Senate bid. 
    Before he left his business four years ago to focus on community work, Mr. Koo had built his fortune from a chain of five Starside Pharmacies that also serve as community hubs in Flushing. 
    “I’m not a big spender,” said Mr. Koo, who emigrated from Hong Kong at age 17 to study pharmacy at the University of New Mexico. “In 20 years’ time, you can save quite a bit of money.” Among his recent gifts was a $100,000 donation to La Guardia Community College, in Long Island City.
    While Flushing and its surroundings are overwhelmingly Democratic, Asian-American voters are not party-line voters, political experts say. In fact, Mr. Koo, a cofounder of the Flushing Business Improvement District, had more name recognition than Ms. Chou, who had previously worked on the staff of Councilman David I. Weprin.
    And while registered Democrats outnumber Republicans about 2-to-1 in the 19th District — which includes Bayside, Whitestone and Little Neck — Republicans have often fared well in elections there. Development in the suburban-like neighborhoods has been a major concern, and Mr. Halloran’s campaign tried to link Mr. Kim, a Korean immigrant, to overdevelopment in neighboring, immigrant-dense Flushing. 
    Mr. Halloran’s campaign sent out a flier that Mr. Kim’s campaign called racially charged. It had a photo of Mr. Kim superimposed over a jumble of multilingual signs, side-by-side with a photo of Mr. Halloran playing boccie ball. 
    The attacks went the other way, too. A Queens newspaper that is partially owned by Mr. Ackerman published a cover article about Mr. Halloran’s religious beliefs. He is an adherent of Theodism, a neo-pagan faith that attempts to reconstruct the pre-Christian tribal religions of the European Germanic people. (Mr. Kim did not explicitly make an issue of Mr. Halloran’s religious beliefs.) 
    Steven Stites, a spokesman for Mr. Halloran, said, “Last night, the voters tuned out the noise and focused on what matters: the preservation of the neighborhoods of northeast Queens.” 
    Mr. Halloran, whose family has worked for the city for generations, secured a number of high-profile endorsements, including those of Mr. Bloomberg, former Gov. George E. Pataki and former Representative Rick A. Lazio.
    In both districts, the grueling primaries may have left Democratic voters divided, making the party’s candidates easier for Republicans to beat. Mr. Kim had beaten out five other Democrats, including Paul Vallone and Jerry M. Iannece. Likewise, Ms. Chou was an unexpected victor in a five-way race that included three other Asian-American candidates. 
    Mr. Ackerman, whose Congressional district includes the two Council districts, said a bruising primary can undercut Democratic cohesion. “You have some disaffected Democrats because their guy and his girl lost the race,” said Mr. Ackerman, who endorsed Mr. Kim in the primary and general elections, and Ms. Chou in the general election. “They really sit on their hands and don’t help as much as they would if they weren’t in a primary against you.”


11/4/09 East West Magazine: “API Community Makes Strides in Elections,” 
    With the elections on Tuesday, Asian Americans have come out in the forefront of a number of political races, making history along the way. East West would like to offer congratulations to the following individuals who came out on top in the polls and are preparing to take public office. 
    John Liu: The Democrat councilman from Queens made history by becoming the first Asian American comptroller in New York City, trouncing his opponent Joseph Mendola by earning 76 percent of the votes. During his campaign for city comptroller, Liu paid great attention to the ethnic press, visiting Chinese, Polish, Bangladeshi, and Irish newspapers to discuss his ideas for development in ethnic communities. Liu, who emigrated from Taiwan to the U.S. at the age of five, is dedicated to improving the lives of immigrants in the city. “To me, the conclusion of this election is that immigrants are clearly a voice and a growing influence. And people better wake up, because we are going to change this city,” he said to the blog Feet in 2 Worlds.
    Margaret Chin: New York City’s Chinatown elected Chin as its first Chinese American to the City Council. Democrat Chin defeated Republican Irene Horvath with 86 percent of the vote. Chin, who from Hong Kong to the U.S., has campaigned on issues ranging from affordable housing to better care for senior citizens, an important issue in the rapidly gentrifying Chinatown.
    Peter Koo: The Republican businessman from Flushing defeated Democrat Yen Chou for one of Queens’ City Council seats in New York City. Following his victory, Koo plans on focusing on job creation and easing the district’s traffic congestion. Koo has earned the seat previously occupied by John Liu.
    Mark Keam: The Democratic lawyer and businessman emerged victorious in the race to represent Virginia’s 35th District in the State House of Delegates. Keam, the son of Korean immigrants, won over Republican Jim Hyland in a district composed of only 10 percent Asian Americans.

11/3/09 Queens Courier: "Liu in historic comptroller victory,"
by Pete Davis
    Queens City Councilmember John Liu became the first Asian American elected to citywide office in New York with a resounding victory in the race for City Comptroller.
    Liu, a Democrat who has represented Flushing in the City Council for the past eight years, trounced Republican opponent Joseph Mendola and three other opponents running on other lines by receiving 76 percent of the overall vote to Mendola’s 19 percent.
    “The significance of my victory tonight is not lost on me … indeed, this is an historic night for New York City and a milestone for Asian Americans across the nation,” Liu said on Tuesday night. “I’m truly humbled.”
    Liu, who ran an aggressive, five-borough campaign, emerged as the Democratic nominee for the city’s chief fiscal officer position after surviving a run-off with Brooklyn City Councilmember David Yassky in the Democratic primary in September. During his campaign, Liu talked about eliminating waste and fraud from the city’s budget, safeguarding the city’s pension fund and making sure that the stimulus funds are being used properly as his top priorities when he enters office.
    “I stand here extremely optimistic about the opportunity to bring change to New York City and the economic outlook for our future,” Liu said on Tuesday night.
    Shortly after 10 a.m. on Tuesday, November 3, Liu entered St. John Vianney Church in Flushing with his wife Jenny and eight-year-old son Joey to cast his vote.
    Liu said if he was fortunate enough to be elected Comptroller, he would use his professional background in finance combined with his deep understanding of city government and hit the ground running in his new position.
    “Most of all, I want to thank every voter who cast a ballot for me…I consider the trust you have placed in me truly sacred, and I will work every day to live up to your confidence in me,” Liu said.


11/3/09 Associated Press: “Chinese-American wins seat in NYC's Chinatown,”
    New York City's Chinatown has elected its first Chinese-American to the City Council in a year when local campaigns have energized Asian voters.
    Democrat Margaret Chin had 86 percent of the vote with 100 percent of precincts reporting. She faced Republican Irene Horvath.
    The downtown Manhattan neighborhood is one of the biggest Chinese communities outside Asia. Chin is a community organizer and immigrant advocate who speaks three Chinese dialects.
    In Queens, Republican Dan Halloran beat Democrat Kevin Kim, who wanted to become the council's first Korean-American member. Halloran had 52.5 percent of the vote with 100 percent of precincts reporting.
    About 12 percent of the city's 8.3 million residents are Asian.


11/3/09 Chicago Tribune: “Pamela Leeming appointed to Cook County Circuit Court; Asian-American groups celebrate news,”
    Pamela Leeming, a lawyer with the Cook County public defender's office, has won an appointment to fill a vacancy on the Cook County Circuit Court.
    Chicago's Asian-American community is celebrating her appointment. Leeming, who is of Pakistani descent, is believed to be the first Asian-American to serve as a judge for the full Cook County circuit. Several Asian-Americans are judges in Cook County subcircuits.
    The appointment also is a sign of growing Asian-American political influence in Chicago. Asian-American groups had lobbied judicial interests to increase the diversity in the Cook County court system, after Judge Sandra Otaka died in June. They were galvanized after Otaka's replacement was selected days after her death without any input from the Asian-American community.
    Leeming, 47, will fill the remaining term of Judge Carol Pearce McCarthy, who is retiring. The term ends in December 2010, and the seat is up for election in February's primary election. But Leeming may not run.
    Leeming had already announced her candidacy to run for a judicial seat in Cook County 11th subcircuit, which includes Oak Park. She said she plans to stay in that race.
    Leeming, a 1989 graduate of John Marshall Law School, has been with the Cook County public defender's office her entire legal career. She's currently a special litigator who handles cases involving forensic evidence.
    She sought a countywide associate judge appointment last year but came up short. Leeming said she's "honored and humbled" by her unexpected appointment.
    "My entire career has been in public service and I consider this an extension of my public service," she said.


10/29/09 Miami Herald: “Judicial nominations pile up, and parties blame each other,”
by Rob Hotakainen (McClatchy Newspapers)
    Washington -- Hiring a federal judge requires an act of Congress, but Congress hasn't been in much of a hiring mode lately.
    Consider the case of Edward Chen of San Francisco.
    After President Barack Obama appointed the first Latina to the U.S. Supreme Court, he wanted to make history in California, nominating Chen to become the first Asian-American federal judge in the state's Northern District.
    Asian-Americans applauded, and Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein boasted of his record, "I do not believe there is a spot, a blemish, a wart on his record as a magistrate."
    But Senate Republicans saw one big problem: For 16 years, Chen had been a zealous advocate, working as a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California. And another of the president's nominees, Dolly Gee of Los Angeles, had once been a member of the group.
    "I think we're seeing a common DNA run through the Obama nominees, and that's the ACLU chromosome," said Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions, the top-ranked Republican on the Judiciary Committee, who voted against Chen.
    As judicial nominations pile up on Capitol Hill, the Senate is at loggerheads, with Democrats and Republicans busy blaming each other for the delays.
    Since Obama took office, the Senate has confirmed only four of his nominees for circuit and district courts. Thirty-five states now have 96 judicial vacancies, and another 24 are soon expected.
    "It makes the Senate look foolish, and I wish my colleagues would allow these people to move quickly," Democratic Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said last week, adding that the failure to act is "a dark mark on the Senate."
    California finds itself in the middle of the fight.
    Eleven of Obama's nominees -- including Chen, Gee and two others from the Golden State -- have been approved by the Judiciary Committee but have yet to be voted on by the full Senate.
    Judicial nominations are oftentimes approved by unanimous votes in committee, but Chen's nomination passed 12-7 on a straight party-line vote.
    "It was quite shocking," said Vincent Eng, deputy director of the Washington-based Asian-American Justice Center. "We have a lot of judges stalled, for a variety of different reasons. Sometimes we don't even know why they're stalled because senators can put a hold on them."
    The situation has become particularly severe in California's Eastern District, headquartered in Sacramento, where judges are handling the heaviest workloads in the nation, based on case filings per judge. They're struggling to keep up, relying on outside help to keep the justice system churning.
    Last year, district judges from around the country came to help out with hundreds of cases -- from Los Angeles and Oakland, from Alaska, Alabama and Washington. With so much work, civil litigants are facing average delays of 42 months from the time a case is filed until a verdict is reached.
    And despite persistent pleas for help, Congress has not created a new permanent judgeship for the district since 1978.
    "The situation in the Eastern District is unacceptable -- the courts are overloaded and justice is being delayed," said Feinstein, a member of the Judiciary Committee.
    In many ways, it's a replay of days gone by. During George W. Bush's presidency, Republicans routinely accused Democrats of holding up votes on conservative judicial nominees. Now Democrats say Republicans are trying to thwart Obama's more liberal picks in an attempt to score political points.
    Leahy said vacancies are now "at near record levels," and he accused Republicans of slowing the process by threatening filibusters and "dragging out, delaying, obstructing and stalling."
    Republicans counter by saying that confirmations are not a race and that careful scrutiny is required, particularly because federal judges serve lifetime terms. They point out that Bush's nominees from 2001 had to wait years in some cases before they got confirmed. And they note that the Judiciary Committee was tied up for months this year with a Supreme Court nomination and that the White House has been slow to recommend judges because it has been preoccupied with other things, including two wars, a recession and a massive health care overhaul.
    Republicans say that after nine months in office, Bush had nominated 60 judges, while Obama has nominated only 23.
    "You know, it is not possible for the Senate to confirm a nomination until the president has nominated someone," Sessions said.
    The plight of the California judges has elicited much sympathy from Feinstein and Barbara Boxer, the state's junior Democratic senator, but not much yet in the way of results.
    Like Leahy, Feinstein blames the GOP.
    "Some Republicans may object to creating new judgeships while President Obama is in the White House," Feinstein said. "This line of thinking is incredibly shortsighted and completely ignores the dire need for additional judgeships. This should not be a partisan issue."
    In 1990, Feinstein said, Democrats and Republicans worked together to pass a bill creating more judgeships, even though Democrats knew that Republican President George H.W. Bush would be filling the positions. But Feinstein said she has been unable to get any Republicans to sign on to legislation recently to create more judgeships around the country, even though the bills would have benefitted constituents of the GOP senators. A bill backed by Feinstein and introduced by Leahy last month would create 15 new judgeships for California and nearly double the number of judges in the Eastern District, from six to 11.
    Part of the reason that judicial confirmation proceedings take so long is that both parties pore over every public statement and speech they can find involving a nominee.
    Senate Republicans outlined a litany of concerns against Chen, including positions he took in litigation and statements he made. Critics said that Chen's history raised questions about whether he could impartially apply the law.
    As examples:
    -- In 1989, he wrote a letter to the New York Times saying that English-only laws are "based on false, xenophobic assumptions." And he opposed anti-affirmative action proposals and injunctions against gang members and private-sector drug testing.
    -- Speaking at a graduation ceremony in 2005, Chen described a funeral where the congregation sang "America the Beautiful," and he described his "own feelings of ambivalence and cynicism when confronted with appeals to patriotism." He said too many Americans have suffered too much injustice and inequalities "that prevent far too many Americans from enjoying the beauty extolled in that anthem."
    -- And in 2005, he told the California State Bar that the slow response to Hurricane Katrina may have been due to racism: "Would the response have been different had the majority of victims been white and middle class rather than poor and black?"
    Chen, a 1979 graduate of the UC Berkeley School of Law, declined to be interviewed. But he has plenty of defenders.
    Edwin Prather, president of the Asian Pacific Bar of California and a former clerk for Chen, said senators who oppose Chen are looking at "only a small fraction of the picture," focusing on his years as an ACLU lawyer instead of his eight-year record as a magistrate judge.
    "They're focusing on a prior career ... which is a little weird to me," he said. "Maybe the point here is to send a message that you don't want ACLU candidates, but this is the most qualified person we have here in this district. He came out of a bipartisan selection group."
    And he said he hopes his good friend doesn't become a victim of Washington's intensely partisan politics.
    "He would be the first Asian district court judge in the 150-year history of the district," Prather said. "He will be the first, a historic first in this district. And maybe it's not intended to have the effect of keeping an Asian-American off the bench, but that's exactly what it's doing. ... In our mind, it's completely unacceptable."

 
10/8/09 U.S. News and World Report: “Do Elite Private Colleges Discriminate Against Asian Students?  Students of different races have varying odds of admission to elite private colleges, a study finds,”
by Kim Clark 
    A recent study of the applicants to seven elite colleges in 1997 found that Asian students were much more likely to be rejected than seemingly similar students of other races. Also, athletes and students from top high schools had admissions edges, as did low-income African-Americans and Hispanics.
    Translating the advantages into SAT scores, study author Thomas Espenshade, a Princeton sociologist, calculated that African-Americans who achieved 1150 scores on the two original SAT tests had the same chances of getting accepted to top private colleges in 1997 as whites who scored 1460s and Asians who scored perfect 1600s.
    He also found some indications that while rich students make up an increasingly large share of the entering freshman classes, the top private schools appeared to be giving admissions edges to low-income minorities, but not necessarily low-income white students. The very richest students also generally had lower acceptance rates than similarly qualified, but less wealthy, students.
    Espenshade warned against concluding that his study proved that colleges improperly discriminated. For one thing, Asians, who make up less than 5 percent of the U.S. population, often make up nearly a third of the applicant pools to elite colleges. And they generally account for at least 10 percent of the student body. Meanwhile, low-income students and minorities make up disproportionately smaller shares of the applicant pools and, often, student populations. Harvard reported last year, for example, that 15 percent of its undergraduates were Asian, but only 7 percent were black, and just 6 percent were Hispanic.
    In addition, Espenshade's study didn't account for "soft" qualifications such as essays, recommendations, extracurricular activities, musical or artistic talents, or community service, all of which play important roles in admissions decisions.
    Nevertheless, some experts said Espenshade's findings seem likely to add more fuel to long-running criticisms of admissions offices. Even though the study reflects 12-year-old practices, "I have no doubt that circumstances have not changed in the interval between then and now," said Ward Connerly, who has spearheaded anti-affirmative action drives in several states. Connerly and other observers noted that college admissions policies have been controversial for decades.
    During the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries, African-Americans, American Indians, Jews, and other minorities were barred or severely restricted from many colleges. Civil rights laws and court rulings banned discrimination and encouraged colleges to reach out to long-disadvantaged students.
    Some of those efforts created resentment among white and Asian students who felt they were denied opportunities to make room for those whom they believed to be less qualified minorities. Sparked by a lawsuit filed by a white applicant who had been rejected from a medical school, the U.S. Supreme Court in 1978 ruled that racial quotas were illegal. Voters in California, Michigan, and Washington have since voted to ban many affirmative action practices. In recent years, Asian-Americans have fought admissions policies they believe artificially limited their numbers on campuses. In 2006, an Asian student who scored a perfect 2400 on the three SAT tests filed a federal complaint against Princeton alleging the university rejected him because of anti-Asian bias. The U.S. Department of Education is now examining Princeton's admissions policies.
    Although the schools Espenshade studied have not been identified, Princeton says it wasn't part of the set. And it says it doesn't discriminate on the basis of race or national origin. "The class of 2010 had a record 17,564 applicants for a class of 1,231. We admitted only about half of all the applicants with maximum 2400 SAT scores," says university spokeswoman Cass Cliatt. "Princeton considers factors such as interest in and demonstrated commitment to a particular field of study or extracurricular activity, exceptional skills and talents, experiences and background, status as an alumni child or Princeton faculty or staff child, athletic achievement, musical or artistic talent, geographic or socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity, any unique circumstances, and a range of other factors," she added. Currently, Asians make up 15 percent of Princeton's undergraduate student body.
    Mitchell Chang, a professor of higher education at UCLA, said Asians have long complained about the "penalty" they face when applying to colleges. But Espenshade's documentation of a threefold difference for similarly qualified students at elite private universities "is stunning. Really worrisome." Chang said Asian students might be disproportionately less likely to participate in certain kinds of extracurricular activities and that many Asian parents push their children to apply to famous "brand name" elite schools. But he insisted that the Asian applicant pool is nevertheless diverse. He fears that college admissions officers might be stereotyping Asians and saying to themselves: "'We don't want another academic nerd.' "
    Deborah Santiago, vice president for policy and research at Excelencia in Education, noted, however, that other recent studies have shown that many well-qualified students who come from low-income, African-American, or Hispanic families don't apply to elite schools. So the few who do apply are likely to have better odds.
    Espenshade's research indicates that eliminating affirmative action policies would most likely reduce the number of Hispanic and African-American students and racial diversity on campuses. Some schools that have eliminated affirmative action policies have seen significant changes in their student demographics. At UC-Berkeley, for example, 42 percent of undergraduates are Asian. Fewer than one third are white. While African-Americans make up 14 percent of the general population in Michigan, they account for only 6 percent of the undergraduates at the University of Michigan.
    Espenshade found that when comparing applicants with similar grades, scores, athletic qualifications, and family history for seven elite private colleges and universities:
    •           Whites were three times as likely to get fat envelopes as Asians.
    •           Hispanics were twice as likely to win admission as whites.
    •           African-Americans were at least five times as likely to be accepted as whites.
    •           Athletes were more than twice as likely to get in as non-athletes with similar qualifications.
    •           Students from .private high schools were twice as likely to receive acceptance letters as similar students from regular public high schools.
    •           Students from highly regarded public and private high schools were three times as likely to win admission as others.
    •           Students in the top 10 percent of their high school classes were about twice as likely to get in as students in the next 10 percent.

10/6/09 Press release: "NAPABA and AAJC Applaud Nomination of Judge Denny Chin to Become First Active Asian Pacific American Federal Appellate Court Judge in Over Five Years,"
    Washington, DC - The National Asian Pacific American Bar Association (NAPABA) and the Asian American Justice Center (AAJC) celebrates the nomination of the Honorable Denny Chin for the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. If confirmed, Judge Chin would be the only currently active Asian Pacific American federal appellate court judge in the United States out of approximately 175 federal appellate court judgeships. Judge Chin also would become the first-ever Asian Pacific American circuit court judge nominated and confirmed outside of the Ninth Circuit and the first Asian Pacific American federal appellate court judge ever in the Northeast. 
    "Judge Chin is an active and longstanding member of NAPABA, and we are ecstatic about his nomination. We thank the Obama Administration for its continued commitment to increasing diversity in the judiciary and Senator Charles Schumer for his strong support of Judge Chin and the Asian Pacific American community," said Andrew T. Hahn, President of NAPABA.
    It has been over five years since there has been an Asian Pacific American active on any federal appellate court in the United States, and it has been over 14 years since an Asian Pacific American has been nominated to serve on any federal appellate court. If Judge Chin is confirmed, he will be the fifth-ever Asian Pacific American judge to serve on the United States Court of Appeals.
    "We applaud President Obama's nomination of United States District Court Judge Chin to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals. Born to a working class Chinese American family, Judge Chin has lived the American dream and is a great example to all Americans," said Karen K. Narasaki, president and executive director of AAJC. "Known as a 'judge's judge' for mentoring many new members of the bench, Judge Chin consistently receives strong reviews from lawyers appearing before him, regardless of whether the lawyer represents the government, criminal defendants, plaintiffs, or defendants."
    Judge Chin has been a United States District Judge for the Southern District of New York since 1994, and he is currently the longest serving Asian Pacific American federal district court judge. He has earned a reputation as an erudite, conscientious jurist and received countless distinctions such as the National Asian Pacific American Bar Association's Trailblazer Award, the New York State Division of Human Rights' Lifetime Achievement Award, the Asian American Justice Center's Distinguished Service Award, and Fordham Law School Alumni Association's Medal of Achievement. Judge Chin is a widely respected leader in the com munity, actively participating in Asian Pacific American bar associations for approximately 20 years and having served on the boards of various non-profit organizations, including Hartley House, Care for the Homeless, and the Brooklyn Center for Urban Environment.
    Prior to serving as a federal district court judge, Judge Chin worked for several years as an Assistant United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. He also has worked in private practice, both in large and small firms - including his own small firm for four years. Judge Chin began his legal career as a law clerk for the Honorable Henry F. Werker, United States District Judge for the Southern District of New York.
    Many of the traits that make Judge Chin an excellent jurist can be traced to his own background. Judge Chin was born in Hong Kong, and moved to the United States when he was two years old. His parents, who fled from China to Hong Kong to escape the Communists, were able to move to the United States under the Refugee Relief Act of 1953. He grew up in New York City in Hell's Kitchen. His father worked as a cook in Chinese restaurants, while his mother worked as a seamstress in the garment industry.&nbs p; Through hard work and family sacrifices, he was able to attend the prestigious Stuyvesant High School in New York, graduated magna cum laude from Princeton University for undergraduate, and was Managing Editor for the Law Review at Fordham Law School. His upbringing epitomizes the all-American story of families seeking to create a better life in the United States. To this day, one of Judge Chin's favorite "duties" is to swear in new citizens of the United States. He proudly shows a picture of his grandfather and his grandfather's naturalization certificate, and tells the new citizens how his family came to the United States and succeeded. By doing so, he hopes to encourage the new ci tizens to pursue the opportunities that exist only in America to their fullest potential.
###
    The Asian American Justice Center is a national organization dedicated to defending and advancing the civil and human rights of Asian Americans. It works closely with three affiliates - the Asian American Institute in Chicago the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco, and the Asian Pacific American Legal Center in Los Angeles - and nearly 100 community partners in 47 cities, 25 states and the District of Columbia.
    The National Asian Pacific American Bar Association (NAPABA) is the national association of Asian Pacific American attorneys, judges, law professors and law students. NAPABA represents the interests of over 40,000 attorneys and 60 local Asian Pacific American bar associations. Its members represent solo practitioners, large firm lawyers, corporate counsel, legal service and non-profit attorneys, and lawyers serving at all levels of government. NAPABA continues to be a leader in addressing civil rights issues confronting Asian Pacific American communities. Through its national network of committees and affiliates, NAPABA provides a strong voice for increased diversity of federal and state judiciaries, advocates for equal opportunity in the workplace, works to eliminate hate crimes and anti-immigrant sentiment, and promotes professional development of minorities in the legal profession.


9/09 The Scientist: Asian American M.Ds. and Ph. Ds in life science are paid the lowest salaries when compared with all other races. http://www.the-scientist.com/salarysurvey/

9/29/09 New York Times: "De Blasio and Liu Win in N.Y. Democratic Runoffs," 
by Julie Bosman and Kareem Fahim
    The nominee for city comptroller, Councilman John C. Liu of Queens, with his wife, Jenny, spoke Tuesday night in Manhattan of “the wonder and possibility of New York .” 
    The decisive showings by Mr. de Blasio and Mr. Liu were also a victory for the Working Families Party, the labor-backed group that endorsed both candidates and that mobilized its formidable field operation to turn out voters on a day when most polling sites were largely empty.
    And both Mr. Liu and Mr. de Blasio, unlike their opponents, were vocal critics of Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg’s successful effort to persuade the City Council to amend the term limits law so he could run for a third term. 
    With Democrats dominating New York City ’s voter rolls, Mr. Liu and Mr. de Blasio are not likely to face much competition in the November election, and they would fill offices that could quickly make them strong contenders for mayor in 2013. Mr. Liu’s victory keeps him on the path to becoming the first Asian-American elected to citywide office. 
    In the comptroller’s race, Mr. Liu also won easily, with 56 percent of the vote, while David Yassky, a councilman from Brooklyn , had 44 percent.
    Mr. Liu, standing with his wife and his 8-year old son at the headquarters of the United Federation of Teachers in Manhattan , thanked his parents, immigrants from Taiwan , for “providing a better life for me and my younger brothers.”
    “No one appreciates the wonder and possibility of New York better than me,” he said, his voice hoarse.
    Mr. Liu’s long list of thank-yous included labor unions and the ethnic newspapers. Mr. Liu said, “We won this campaign in the streets.” 
    Mr. Liu, who beat Mr. Yassky by eight percentage points in the primary two weeks ago, drawing on support from union members and Asian and black voters, fended off a late, somewhat unexpected attack from the mild-mannered Mr. Yassky, who accused Mr. Liu of dishonesty.
    As a candidate, Mr. Liu, a former actuary, counted on allies he had made speaking out on issues like hate crimes, stands that struck a chord with immigrant and minority groups. 
    Mr. Yassky, less adept at cultivating a traditional base, promoted his support from the city’s newspapers and his former boss, Senator Charles E. Schumer.
    The race turned bitter in its final week, as Mr. Yassky questioned his opponent’s honesty in television advertisements and mailers.
    “Would you hire an accountant who doesn’t tell the truth?” a narrator in Mr. Yassky’s ad asked. 
    In their final debate, Mr. Yassky sought to draw a contrast with his approach to the comptroller’s job, suggesting that he was a stronger advocate for pension reform than Mr. Liu was.
    The comptroller acts as the city’s accountant and earns an annual salary of $185,000, manages a staff of more than 700 people and oversees the city’s five pension funds, now valued at about $80 billion.
    Mr. Liu, a forceful and sometimes confrontational advocate for reform in city agencies, talked about using the comptroller’s audit power to eliminate waste in government. He will face a Republican, Joseph A. Mendola, in November’s general election. 
    William C. Thompson Jr., the city comptroller and the Democratic candidate for mayor, appeared at Mr. Liu’s victory party and exuberantly tried to build excitement for the Democratic ticket heading into the general election.
    “Now it is Bill de Blasio, John Liu and Bill Thompson,” Mr. Thompson said. “Looking forward to, on Nov. 3, having a Democratic sweep across the board!” 
    He then led the crowd in a chant of “Sweep! Sweep! Sweep!”
    Reporting was contributed by Flora Fair, Ann Farmer, Colin Moynihan and Joel Stonington.

9/29/09 Boston Globe: "Yoon is joining Flaherty as deputy: Menino aide criticizes tactic,"
By Michael Levenson
    Councilor at Large Sam Yoon, fresh off his vanquished bid for mayor of Boston , will run as Michael F. Flaherty Jr.’s deputy mayor, joining forces with his one-time rival to unseat Mayor Thomas M. Menino, the Flaherty campaign said last night.
    Flaherty and Yoon will announce the unusual partnership at a joint press conference this morning at 10:15 on City Hall Plaza . “By standing together . . . we are showing Boston that a Flaherty-Yoon administration will embrace good ideas, even if they originate from former rivals,’’ Flaherty said in an e-mail to supporters.
    He added that he now supports one of Yoon’s signature proposals: term limits for the office of mayor. “We will put an end to the ‘mayor for life’ culture that has held Boston back,’’ said Flaherty, also a councilor at large. “Together, we will create a city for us.’’
    Nick Martin, a spokesman for the Menino campaign, blasted the nascent ticket as an illegal gimmick. He said the position of deputy mayor does not exist in the city charter, so Yoon’s name could not appear on the ballot in the final election Nov. 3.
    “This is a blatant attempt to confuse the voters of Boston, because implying that he’s going to run for deputy mayor is something that exists outside of the bounds of the law,’’ Martin said yesterday. “These are desperate tactics by a desperate individual. This seems to be both councilors saying if they can’t win their way, they’ll try to reinvent the rules.’’
    The partnership represents a bold political gambit in the final weeks of the mayoral campaign. Menino won the preliminary mayoral election on Sept. 22 with 50.5 percent of the vote, beating Flaherty, who had 24 percent; Yoon, who had 21 percent; and South End businessman Kevin McCrea, with 4 percent. The numbers suggest that even if Flaherty and Yoon were to unite their supporters behind a single ticket, they would still face a tough fight to topple Menino.
    Asked yesterday about a Flaherty-Yoon ticket, former city councilor Maura A. Hennigan, who ran against Menino in the 2005 mayor’s race, laughed and said, “Never a dull moment, huh?’’ She said she had never heard of two people running as a ticket for mayor of Boston , unlike the tickets that run for governor and lieutenant governor and president and vice president.
    Hennigan said that unless Flaherty changes the city charter, he would have to appoint Yoon as deputy mayor and would retain the power to dismiss him if the partnership soured. She said the last Boston mayor to use deputy mayors was Kevin H. White.
    Hennigan also noted that Flaherty and Yoon have some sharp disagreements over policy. Yoon ran on a campaign to weaken the powers of mayor, saying the system, no matter who served as mayor, is fundamentally broken and unfair to the public. Yoon also called for a return to a partially elected School Committee. Flaherty never embraced that proposal.
    “It will be interesting to see what they’re going to do about their differences,’’ Hennigan said.
    Yoon and Flaherty also come from very different political pedigrees. Flaherty is a South Boston native and the son of a longtime former state representative, who grew up steeped in the ward politics of past generations. Yoon is a South Korean immigrant who spent years in the nonprofit sector, seeking to increase affordable housing.
    But Yoon and Flaherty also share some important commonalities. Both cast themselves as torch bearers for a new generation of Bostonians. They have embraced similar proposals to modernize government, by making services available online and by using technology to analyze the efficiency at City Hall.


9/24/09 Boston Globe: “Yoon trying to figure what’s next: Once full of promise, his future clouded,”
by Stephanie Ebbert 
    Sam Yoon blazed onto the political scene as the fresh face of “new Boston’’ four years ago, the first and only Asian-American elected to the City Council. In launching his bid for mayor, he was, to many, a promising change agent in the mold of Deval Patrick or Barack Obama.
    That was then.
    Now, Yoon is a lame-duck city councilor who will surrender his office in January, the week before he turns 40. The man who once toured the country as one of the next big things in politics will be looking for a job, with no immediate promise of another prominent perch in public life.
    Yoon believed his election to the City Council in 2005 heralded a sea change in Boston politics. But his disappointing third-place finish in Tuesday’s preliminary mayoral election means one of two things: Either that sea change is not as profound as he thought, or he failed to persuade enough voters that he is the one who embodies it.
    “I think the idea of Sam Yoon was as compelling as Sam Yoon himself,’’ said Paul Watanabe, a political scientist at the University of Massachusetts Boston and director of the Institute of Asian American Studies.
    It may be that Yoon’s stalled promise speaks to the limits of symbolism and the pragmatic realities of winning a politi cal campaign in Boston , especially when facing a longtime incumbent. What is clear is that, in the end, Yoon’s promise of change did not move voters as he had hoped.
    The 17,179 votes he collected on Tuesday represented a credible showing, just 2,280 fewer than fellow councilor Michael F. Flaherty Jr., who had telegraphed his mayoral ambitions for years. But it is Flaherty who will move on to face Mayor Thomas M. Menino in the final election on Nov. 3.
    The meteoric rise of Sam Yoon always seemed more impressive than his odds of dislodging a popular incumbent mayor. But to Yoon and his faithful followers, the harsh realities of those odds have begun to sink in. A dejected Yoon acknowledged yesterday that while he may be criticized for running a campaign based on more abstract principles, he still believes in them.
    “I know there are going to be people who will say, and have said, we focused on power and a strong mayor,’’ Yoon said. “But that’s exactly why we ran.’’
    All along, Yoon had said that a strong turnout would help his candidacy. Turnout on Tuesday, by recent standards, was huge. But his numbers were not.
    “They weren’t out in our areas; that’s the problem,’’ his campaign strategist, Jim Spencer, said yesterday. “Look at Back Bay-Beacon Hill. They’re a very liberal, progressive enclave. They didn’t vote at all. . . . We did not have enough money to resonate our message, and it takes work to get people out.’’
    Yoon concludes that Menino’s famously powerful electoral machine and hefty campaign war chest were too much to overcome, even in areas where he had strong support.
    “There isn’t a level playing field here,’’ Yoon said during an interview in his council office. “This is what we’ve been saying.’’
    Still, Yoon built a grass-roots base of active citizens that some are encouraging him to further enlist. “He should keep them engaged,’’ said state Democratic Party chairman John Walsh, who ushered Patrick to the governor’s office with a similar base. “That’s a legacy of his service.’’
    “I think that Sam is one of those guys that has, in executing a campaign that wasn’t successful, done himself proud,’’ Walsh added. “He knew it was an uphill battle, but he did it with dignity and energized a lot of people. I don’t think he foreclosed a lot of options.’’
    The sense of an idealistic campaign that transcended politics permeated Yoon’s emotional concession speech Tuesday night, when some in the young, racially diverse crowd had to fight back tears. Yoon’s supporters chanted his name - “Sam, Sam, Sam’’ - and applauded loud, long, and rhythmically when he appeared with his wife and two children.
    “This is important for the world and for the city,’’ Yoon said of the impact of his campaign. “This is just the beginning. I want you to know that. We’re going to go on.’’
    “His impact has been less in the numbers than in the idea that the city was looking for something new,’’ said Adiya White-Hammond, 26, a Boston public school teacher from Dorchester. “We’ve had the same thing for 16 years.’’
    But Menino, who won 51 percent of the vote Tuesday, showed that most voters were not, in fact, looking for something new.
    Despite his loss, Yoon, his base, and his ideas are being heavily courted by the two finalists. Yoon campaign aides and neighborhood leaders are now discussing whether to throw their support to Flaherty’s campaign, Spencer said. Flaherty reached out to both Yoon and McCrea in his speech Tuesday night, saying they made him a better candidate.
    Both Flaherty and the mayor have been avidly seeking Yoon’s endorsement, Spencer said yesterday. “They’re just relentless on both sides,’’ he said. “At least let us get over our hangovers first.’’
    But even if Yoon does back Flaherty, Yoon voters are not expected to follow in lockstep. Despite a similar campaign message, Flaherty has spent years in Boston politics and may not draw Yoon voters who were looking for more of an outsider.
    At Yoon’s concession speech Tuesday night, 22-year-old campaign volunteer Kelli Jenkins said she might be moved to vote for the mayor after all.
    “I’m leaning toward Menino,’’ said Jenkins, who wore a Sam Yoon T-shirt as she watched the candidate embrace his supporters. “I grew up with him.’’


9/19/09 aaa-fund.com: Biography: Jeanette Rishell, Candidate for the Virginia House of Delegates, District 50
by Richard Chen
    Jeanette Rishell is running for the Virginia House of Delegates in District 50 which includes the cities of Manassas Park and Manassas Virginia and the Parkside, Sinclair, Stonewall and Westgate precincts in Prince William County, Maryland.
    Jeanette was born and raised in a Filipino-American extended family. Jeanette has been a resident of Northern Virginia for 30 years and has lived in Manassas Park for 14 years. In that time, she has held membership in a variety of local organizations which both reflect and promote a strong community:
    * Prince William County/Greater Manassas Chamber of Commerce, member
    * Prince William Regional Chamber of Commerce, member
    * Committee of 100, twice served as their Director from Manassas Park
    * League of Women Voters, member
    * Unity in the Community, former Secretary/Recorder and Vice Chair
    * NAACP, member
    * American Association of University Women, member
    * “Yes You Can! Young Lady-Young Man” youth mentoring foundation, Board Member
    * Manassas Park Electoral Board, former Vice Chair
    * Bull Run Unitarian Universalists Congregation, member and Board Liaison
    * Leadership Prince William, Class of 2009
    In 2006, she received the “Voices of Women” award presented by the Prince William County Alumnae Chapter of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc.
    With the unfortunate passing of Delegate Harry Parrish in 2006, Jeanette stepped forward to continue his legacy of public service. That same year, she attended the Sorensen Institute’s Candidate Training Program at the University of Virginia’s Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service in Charlottesville, VA. Since then, Jeanette has campaigned for Virginia’s District 50 and its citizens.
    Jeanette is a graduate of the Pennsylvania State University with Bachelor of Arts in History and is an inductee of the Phi Alpha Theta History Honor Society. Together with Ed, her husband of 39 years, they have raised two daughters, Emily and Stacey.
    To learn more about Jeanette Rishell and her campaign for Virginia, see www.jeanetterishell.com    

9/17/09 New York Times: “Victories Across City Resonate in Chinatown,”
By Jennifer Lee
    At Confucius Plaza, a 44-story apartment complex in Chinatown, hundreds of retirees flooded the polls on Tuesday after finishing their morning calisthenics in the courtyard. One resident showed up in the evening with her American passport, only to be gently informed that the deadline for registration had passed. Five people rushed in just before voting closed. In all, about half of the development’s 1,000 registered Democrats cast ballots.
    Asian-American candidates won Democratic primaries in three City Council districts on Tuesday. And John C. Liu, a Queens Democrat who was the first Asian-American to be elected to the Council, received the most votes for city comptroller, though not enough to reach the 40 percent needed to avoid a runoff.
    All told, the developments amounted to something of a watershed moment for Asian New Yorkers — the city’s fastest-growing minority group, three-quarters of them foreign-born — and their involvement in municipal politics.
    “It’s significant for the whole population to see all these Asian-Americans taking political roles for the first in public,” said Margaret M. Chin, a sociologist at Hunter College who studies Asian-American communities. “The West Coast broke this barrier close to two decades ago.” 
    Chinatown itself is likely to be represented by an Asian-American for the first time, with the victory of Margaret S. Chin (no relation to the sociologist), a community activist, over Councilman Alan J. Gerson, a two-term incumbent. 
    In Flushing, Queens, Yen S. Chou, a Chinese immigrant who owns a tutoring center, won a closely fought five-way primary, which included three other Asian-American candidates, for the nomination to replace Mr. Liu.
    And in a traditionally conservative district in northeast Queens, Kevin D. Kim, an aide to Representative Gary L. Ackerman, won the primary for a seat being vacated by Councilman Tony Avella. Mr. Kim — who will face a Republican opponent, Dan Halloran, in November — would become the first Korean-American on the Council if he wins.
    Of the 51 Council districts, 32 had primaries on Tuesday. Turnout in the three districts where Asian-Americans won was among the highest in the city: 17 to 18 percent, compared with a citywide average of 11 percent, according to the Board of Elections. 
    “The one constituency who had a reason to turn out and turned out in large numbers were Asian-American voters,” said Evan Stavisky, a Democratic consultant who worked on Mr. Liu’s campaign in 2001 and Ms. Chin’s campaign this year. 
    The coattails worked in two directions, observers said. Mr. Liu, who came from Taiwan to America with his family when he was a child, helped bring Asian-Americans citywide to the polls, while the get-out-the-vote operations of local Asian candidates fueled support for his comptroller race.
    These Asian-American primary victors, all of whom are immigrants, reflect changes in New York City government over the past two decades. 
    In 1991, the City Council expanded to 51 seats from 35 as part of an effort to bring more diversity to its membership. A 1993 referendum established a limit of two consecutive four-year terms for office-holders — even though Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg and the Council modified those limits last year to allow a third term. When term limits took effect in 2001, they helped to usher in newcomers like Mr. Liu, and they have since given prospective candidates time to prepare for their races. 
    “To me, it’s just timing, it’s so perfect,” said Ms. Chou, who announced she was running in January after Mr. Liu confirmed that he would not seek a third term, so he could run for comptroller.
    Underlying the candidates’ successes was the fund-raising muscle of the Asian community, both locally and nationwide.
    Of Council candidates this cycle, Ms. Chou and Mr. Kim were among the top five fund-raisers, and they were also among only four Council candidates to opt out of the public financing system. 
    Ms. Chou raised $320,551, much of it from Chinese-American donors in the region. In contrast, much of the $288,756 that Mr. Kim raised came from Korean-American contributors in New Jersey and California.
    Ms. Chin — who had also run in 1991, 1993 and 2001 — had more modest fund-raising, but she benefited this time around because of voter anger against Mr. Gerson’s support for the term limits change.
    Unlike in 2001, when she and two other Chinese-American candidates split the vote, this time Ms. Chin was the only such candidate in a district where Asians are about 40 percent of the population, though they accounted for only 18 percent of Democratic voters, Mr. Stavisky said. . 
    “Chinatown has been around for over 150 years,” she said. “For the first time it’s a Chinese-American representing the area.” (Ms. Chin faces a nominal Republican opponent.) 
    Many give credit to Mr. Liu for being a pioneer. Since being elected, Mr. Liu has donned — some might say grabbed — the mantle of being the city’s sole Asian elected official, and has worked for the families of slain Chinese deliverymen and Korean grocers, while using his chairmanship of the Transportation Committee and his close ties to black politicians to broaden his appeal. 
    While Asian-Americans are estimated to make up 12 percent of the city’s population — they had about half that share two decades ago — many are not citizens or have limited engagement with politics. 
    A victory in the runoff could presage greater visibility for Mr. Liu, he said: “It’s not just, ‘Are we making history in 2009?’ Is there a possibility for greater heights that can be raised for the Asian-American community in 2013?”


9/17/09 Tribeca Trib: "Chin Wins City Council Primary,"
By Carl Glassman and April Koral
    After losing three previous bids for a City Council seat, the fourth campaign was the charm for Margaret Chin, who emerged victorious Tuesday night in the Democratic primary. Chin beat two-term incumbent Alan Gerson by about 1,000 votes (39 percent to Gerson's 30 percent) in a meager voter turnout.
    Only about 10,500 ballots were cast for all five candidates in the sprawling and diverse 1st Council District, which encompasses Lower Manhattan from the Battery to Greenwich Village, and from river to river.
    The final tally:  Margaret Chin 4,541; Alan Gerson 3,520; PJ Kim 1,927; Pete Gleason 1,293; Arthur Gregory 235.
    Chin, who emigrated as a child from Hong Kong and grew up in Chinatown, insisted throughout the campaign that she did not just represent Chinatown. Nevertheless she called her victory a “big moment” for the Chinese community. She is the first Chinese-American to represent the district, which includes Chinatown, and the first female Chinese-American to be elected to the City Council.
    “It is very significant, especially for a lot of the old-timers who have been here and feel that they need a voice,” she said. “And a lot of times, because of the language and culture, they feel that they are not being heard.”
    Dressed in a grey pants suit, pink blouse and white sneakers, Chin celebrated her victory at the Golden Unicorn restaurant on East Broadway where she was joined by about 100 supporters seated around tables of unfinished tea and dishes of noodles, listening to speeches—most in Chinese. When one speaker praised Chin as someone who will fight for them, the candidate followed with a clarification.
    “My background is in organizing,” she said. “I don’t do things by myself!”
    While Chin and her party gathered in the restaurant’s festive banquet room, many of Gerson’s supporters stood along a dark sidewalk outside the candidate’s campaign headquarters, located in the back room of the Silver Spurs Restaurant at LaGuardia Place and Houston Street. Apparently shaken by returns, still inconclusive at the time, that showed him trailing Chin, Gerson turned uncharacteristically hostile towards the press, telling photographers for two local papers not to take his picture.
    In contrast to what even Gerson’s supporters called a disorganized campaign, Chin seemed to gather steam to the very end with a hefty retinue of Chinese-speaking volunteers and a massive push to get out the vote in Chinatown. They called 6,000 Democrats on the phone, more than 4,000 of them in Chinatown, according to Donnie Johnson, 24, who was Chin’s “get-out-the-vote” director.
    “We turned out 4,300 people [at the polls],” said Johnson. “That’s unbelievable.”
    Chin also bested Gerson—and the rest of her opponents Downtown—with fundraising. She collected more than $116,000 through the end of August. Gerson collected almost $80,000, and supplemented it with $52,575 in loans. Chin qualified for $88,550 in public funding, money Gerson was denied because of procedural challenges levied by Gleason during the campaign.
    (PJ Kim also topped Gerson’s donation total, having raised $104,562. Peter Gleason, Gerson’s closest rival during the campaign, amassed $41,153 in contributions, while first-time candidate Arthur Gregory collected $7,148.)
    Chin began actively raising money for her run in May 2007, a full year and seven months before Gerson, in part to ensure her eligibility for matching funds from the city.
    “[Chin] wanted to emerge early as the strongest Asian candidate, to discourage other candidates who might split the vote from the community and make it impossible once again for District 1 to have Asian-American representation,” said Jake Itzkowitz, Chin’s campaign manager.
    One particularly contentious issue among the candidates during the run-up to the primary elections was that of how much of the money they collected actually came from within the 1st Council District. Of their top 25 donors, only nine of Chin’s and eight of Kim’s live in the district, although Itzkowitz insisted that Chin had the higher percentage of in-district donations than any of her opponents. Itzkowitz also pointed out the relatively high number—13—of out-of-state donors among Kim’s top 25.


9/16/09 New York Times: “Liu and Yassky Headed for Runoff for New York City Comptroller 
By Kareem Fahim
    After a tight, expensive race for city comptroller between candidates with little name recognition, City Councilmen John C. Liu of Queens and David Yassky of Brooklyn appeared to be headed for a runoff election on Tuesday night.
    With 100 percent of the vote counted, unofficial results showed that Mr. Liu had captured 38 percent of the vote, just short of the 40 percent he needed to win outright. Mr. Yassky took 30 percent, and Councilwoman Melinda R. Katz of Queens finished third, with 20 percent. David I. Weprin, a councilman from Queens , was fourth.
    The results set up a contest between two men who, over the course of the campaign, projected sharply different images to voters. Mr. Liu, a former actuary and an immigrant from Taiwan , struck a populist tone, from his home neighborhood of Flushing to Chinatown, where voters embraced him as a trailblazer, and Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn , where several black leaders endorsed him. 
    Mr. Liu, who ran with the backing of several major labor unions, would become the first Asian American elected citywide if he prevails in a runoff on Sept. 29.
    At a rally on Tuesday night, Mr. Liu said, “This campaign has been about making history, but it has also been about putting New York City back on track.”
    Mr. Yassky, a former law professor, focused on Manhattan and brownstone Brooklyn , and touted his accomplishments on the City Council, where he closed a tax loophole for developers and encouraged film companies to shoot in the city, with tax incentives for production. He won the endorsement of several of the city’s daily newspapers, along with that of Senator Charles E. Schumer, his former boss. 
    Addressing supporters in Midtown Manhattan, Mr. Yassky said, “I want you to party, I want you to have a great time, but I want you to come back and get to work tomorrow.”
    The winner of the runoff will face a Republican candidate, Joseph A. Mendola, a lawyer at a brokerage firm, but, given Democrats’ overwhelming advantage in party registration, victory in the primary is tantamount to election.
    The race, between four two-term city council members, tended away from the minutia of the comptroller’s duties, which include managing a staff of more than 700 people, and overseeing investment decisions for the country’s largest municipal pension system.
    Instead, the candidates touted their credentials as advocates for working people and scoured neighborhoods for available votes in a city that at times, seemed to be hardly paying attention.
    They raised more than $10 million among them, more than double the amount raised in the last competitive comptroller’s race, in 2001, and in the last few weeks, the city’s airwaves were filled with their advertisements.
    “What’s a Yassky?” asked one of Mr. Yassky’s TV spots, while Ms. Katz boasted how she had told a sexist H.M.O. lobbyist to “stick it.”
    All of the candidates endorsed William C. Thompson, the current comptroller, in his run for mayor, while at the same time distancing themselves from elements of his record. During Mr. Thompson’s tenure, four of the five pension funds lagged in performance compared with similar funds across the country.
    At the candidates’ final debate, Mr. Liu confronted allegations that he had embellished a story about working as a child in a sweatshop. Ms. Katz and Mr. Yassky were criticized by their rivals for their support of the mayor’s overturning of term limits.
    On Tuesday night, Mr. Liu, who emigrated from Taiwan when he was 5 years old, told a packed crowd in a Chinatown dining hall, “I gotta ask you for two more weeks.”
    Flora Fair and Rebecca White contributed reporting.

 
9/1109 New York Times: “Immigrant Finds Path Out of Maze of Detention,”
By Nina Bernstein
    Holding tight to her sister’s hand in the bustling streets of New York’s Chinatown last week, Xiu Ping Jiang looked a little dazed, like someone who has stepped from a dark, windowless place into a sunny afternoon. 
    In a sense, she has. For a year and a half Ms. Jiang, a waitress with no criminal record and a history of attempted suicide, was locked away in an immigration jail in Florida. Often in solitary confinement, she sank ever deeper into mental illness, relatives say, not eating for days, or vomiting after meals for fear of being poisoned. 
    With no lawyer to plead for asylum on her behalf, she had been ordered to be deported to her native China, from which her family says she fled in 1995 after being forcibly sterilized at age 20. Too ill to obtain the travel documents needed for the deportation to take place, she was trapped in an immigration limbo: a fate that detainee advocates say is common in a system that has no rules for determining mental competency and no obligation to provide anyone with legal representation.
    Then, through a fluke, her case came to the attention of The New York Times, which published an article on May 4 about her ordeal and the efforts of her sisters in New York to help her. An immigration judge in Florida reopened the case.
    Now Ms. Jiang, 36, is free on bail, living in Brooklyn with her older sister, Yun, a United States citizen, and receiving the medical and psychiatric help she needs while awaiting a fresh immigration hearing close to home — this time with a lawyer. And her case is being held up as an example of the system’s worst and best approaches toward the mentally ill, as advocates press the Obama administration for change.
    If immigration courts were required to offer the same basic protections for the mentally disabled as any other court, advocates say, Ms. Jiang’s prolonged detention — which cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and put her life at risk — could have been avoided.
    Hers is one of several cases cited in a 15-page letter to Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. that asks for such protections, including the appointment of counsel to anyone with a mental disability in deportation proceedings, and the appointment of guardians ad litem to speak on behalf of those found mentally incompetent. The letter, signed by 77 mental health experts, civil rights lawyers and immigration advocates around the country, was sent July 24, but not made public until Thursday. 
    The Justice Department has made no formal response, but Matthew A. Miller, a spokesman, said the department provided specialized training on handling the mentally ill at the annual conference of immigration judges last month.
    “Persons with mental disabilities face significant challenges in removal proceedings, and these cases also present substantial challenges for immigration courts,” he said in an e-mail message. “We recognize our obligation in this area, and we will continue to review how we can improve our efforts to provide due process and reasonable accommodation.”
    Sunita Patel, a lawyer at the Center for Constitutional Rights who signed the letter, said such training was a positive step, but insufficient.
    “As Ms. Jiang’s case demonstrates,” she said, “these difficult cases require all of the proposed protections. And change should happen fast, before more people with mental disabilities disappear into the detention maze.” 
    Ms. Jiang was held at the Glades County Detention Center in December 2007, after immigration agents stopped her at a Greyhound bus station in West Palm Beach, Fla., where she was traveling to a restaurant job. She had no immigration papers. 
    At her first brief hearing, the immigration judge, Rex. J. Ford, issued an order of deportation saying that she had failed to show up because she kept answering his question, “What is your name?” without waiting for the interpreter’s translation into Mandarin. 
    He sent her back to the jail, where she was deprived of proper treatment and her mental state rapidly deteriorated, according to court petitions on her behalf. She was periodically confined to an isolation cell on suicide watch, records show. 
    “Immigration detainees with mental-health issues often receive little, if any, treatment,” the Florida Immigrant Advocacy Center wrote this year in a report on detention. “In many cases, their conditions worsen or they destabilize while in detention. They are misdiagnosed, improperly medicated, cruelly treated or denied psychiatric care altogether. Worse, many of those immigrants should not have been detained in the first place.”
    Ms. Jiang did not speak at all at a second hearing, before another immigration judge, Scott G. Alexander. He, too, ordered her deported, but reopened the case after The Times article was published, and in June 2009, transferred her from the jail in Glades County to a hospital detention center in Columbia, S.C., for a new assessment of her mental state. There, Ms. Jiang jumped out of a second-floor window, her lawyer says, only to enter an immigration agent’s vehicle and wait inside, apparently thinking it was a taxi. 
    Her physical condition had deteriorated, too. An obvious lump in her neck, ignored at the jail, was biopsied at the South Carolina center and found to be thyroid cancer; she underwent surgery, said Theodore N. Cox, an immigration lawyer in New York who took the case without fee.
    In July, Mr. Cox persuaded the immigration judge in Charlotte, N.C., Theresa Holmes-Simmons, to free Ms. Jiang on $3,500 bail, despite opposition from Immigration and Customs Enforcement lawyers who argued that her leap from a window showed she was a flight risk.
    On July 17, she went home to Brooklyn with her sister Yun, 38. “But she was too scared,” the sister recalled. “I had to bring her to the hospital” — Bellevue Hospital Center, which has treated immigrants regardless of their ability to pay since 1736.
    There, after 17 days as a voluntary psychiatric inpatient, she was visibly on the mend when a reporter visited on Aug. 3. Her cheeks were round. 
    Only months before, when her older sister had visited her in the Florida jail, Ms. Jiang, emaciated and incoherent, had scratched her face and refused to speak to her, the sister said. Now, she added, laughing, “She calls me on the phone, and says, ‘Visit and bring me some food!’ ”
    That afternoon, the older sister had brought a feast culled from fruit stands and Chinese restaurants: melon, bags of peaches, sticky rice wrapped in banana leaves, noodles with duck, even the sweet black-bean-paste treats of her childhood in Fujian Province. Ms. Jiang, in blue hospital pajamas, dug happily into the yellow flesh of a melon with a plastic spoon, then paused to answer a question about her detention.
    “When they locked me up, I was very cold,” she said softly through an interpreter. “I asked for a blanket, but they didn’t give me one. It was dark. I got scared, so I think I went crazy.”
    Her reason for jumping from a detention center window? “I wanted to stay in the United States,” she said. “I like the United States. China had the sterilization — nothing is good.”
    Her sister eyed her anxiously. “Whenever she talks about the past, her hands start to tremble and she gets this faraway look in her eyes,” she said.
    Since her discharge from Bellevue in August, Ms. Jiang has been receiving weekly treatment. Doctors recommended delaying a second operation on her neck until her emotional state was more stable, her sister said.
    Meanwhile, she does simple chores in the restaurant where her sister is a cashier: cutting broccoli, watching the employees’ children. 
    “I’m feeling O.K.,” she said last week with a timid smile, fingering the scar at her throat. Her sister smoothed her hair, and guided her onto the subway home.

9/4/09 The Oregonian: “John Lim says he's also running for governor,”
by Jeff Mapes
    Gresham businessman John Lim, who served 12 years in the Oregon Legislature before losing a reelection race last year, says he plans to seek the Republican nomination for governor.
    Lim, 73, first gained political attention when he ran as a long-shot candidate in the 1990 GOP gubernatorial primary, gaining 11 percent of the vote. "I didn't make it that time," Lim said Thursday. "This time I will." 
    Lim called himself the "most experienced, the most aged and the most energetic" of the candidates. "I think I can bring the most jobs to the state," he added, referring to his experience chairing legislative committees concerned with economic development.
    In eight years in the Senate and four years in the House, Lim often stayed aloof from the inside political dealing and pursued such unique issues as trying to create a lieutenant governor's office in Oregon .
    A Korean immigrant, Lim is active in a number of Korean-American associations and said he expects to be able to tap his ethnic community for campaign contributions. He said he expects to spend at least $1 million on the primary, through a mixture of his own money and donations.
    Businessman Allen Alley, who ran for state treasurer last year, has been campaigning for the GOP gubernatorial nomination for months. State Sen. Jason Atkinson, R-Central Point, said he will formally announce his candidacy later this month.

7/29/09 Los Angleles Examiner.com: "Does Hollywood 'white-wash' the casting of Asian characters in movies?"
by Ed Moy
    In my last column, I asked readers "Should Asian actors have been cast as the leads in 'The Last Airbender'?
    The responses overwhelmingly pointed toward a "Yes" answer from most of the comments that I read.
    Also, the topic of Hollywood "white-washing" ethnic characters in movies came up, especially animated Asian characters.
    After doing some online research, I discovered that "The Last Airbender" wasn't the only recent movie that cast white actors in roles that were originally created as Asian characters.
    For example, the character of Kyo Kusanagi will be played by Sean Farris in an upcoming live-action feature based on the video game "King of Fighters".
    There's also the casting of Jake Gyllenhaal as Prince Dastan in "Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time" along with a British actress Gemma Arterton playing his love-interest Tamina.  The movie was also based on a popular video game.
    And then there's the recent announcement that Leonardo DiCaprio and Joseph Gordon-Levitt are starring in a live-action version of the Japanese anime "Akira."
    And finally, there's the casting of Keanu Reeves as Spike Spiegel in the live-action adaptation of "Cowboy Bebop."  (Although, I do admit that I think Keanu Reeves looks similar to the character.)
    This all of course pales in comparison to the fact that last year, the producers of the movie "21" took poetic license in rewriting actual Asian American card playing MIT students as white characters.
    The movie "21" was based on the best-selling book "Bringing Down the House", about a real-life team of mostly Asian American students led by an Asian American professor John Chang and his teaching cohorts.
    The two main characters in the book, named "Kevin Lewis" and "Steve Fisher", were based on Jeff Ma and Mike Aponte, two Asian American males.
    But somehow in the movie, Jeff Ma morphs into Jim Sturgess and John Chang turns into Kevin Spacey.
    Not only that but the only Asian American characters in the movie are merely supporting roles played by Aaron Yoo and Liza Lapira.
    Several organizations such as Media Action Network for Asian Americans (MANAA) protested the movie and "Boycott 21" and other anti-"21" websites sprang up on the Internet.
    According to MANAA, after the “white-washing” issue was raised on Entertainment Weekly's website, movie producer Dana Brunetti wrote: “Believe me, I would have loved to cast Asians in the lead roles, but the truth is, we didn't have access to any bankable Asian American actors that we wanted… If I had known how upset the Asian American community would be about this, I would have picked a different story to film.”
    What?  No bankable Asian American actors?  Who was Brunetti kidding?
    What about John Cho from the "American Pie" and "Harold and Kumar" movies?
    Or Leonardo Nam from "The Sisterhood of Traveling Pants" movies? 
    Heck, they already had Aaron Yoo, who appeared in movies like "Disturbia" and "The Wackness" before signing on for the "21" debacle?
    There were also a number of other recognizable Asian American actors such as Roger Fan, Sung Kang, Ken Leung, Justin Chon, and the Yune brothers, Rick and Karl available. 
    All of these aforementioned Asian American actors were no less recognizable or bankable than Jim Sturgess, who was relatively unknown to most American moviegoers before "21" came out.
    It seems to me the studio and producers were looking to find a new "hot" actor to sell with the movie release -- and Jim Sturgess was their guy.
    Ironically, Jeff Ma, who is Chinese American reportedly riled up a lot of Asian Americans when he told USA Today, “I would have been a lot more insulted if they had chosen someone who was Japanese or Korean, just to have an Asian playing me.”
    Really Jeff, you think that Jim Sturgess comes across way more "cool" on screen playing you than John Cho could've done?  (Personally, if I was you, Jeff, I think I would've rather had the ubiquitous Keanu Reeves play me.  I think most of Keanu's movies made more money than "21" didn't they?  Well, you're the MIT grad Jeff, I'll let you do the math on that one!)
   But all kidding aside, "21" was just one example from last year.  I'm sure there were other movies where this type of casting controversy has happened in the past that I didn't even have time to look up yet.
    In addition to the controversy surrounding "The Last Airbender," this year, there was also an Asian American outcry over casting for the recent live-action movie "Dragonball Evolution" based on the Japanese anime and manga.
    In the movie, Goku, the main character is played by a white actor which caused some debate over why a Japanese anime character looks so Westernized in the movie.
    Also, not surprisingly, Goku was the lead male character and the role went to a young Canadian actor rather than an Asian / Asian American actor or even the forever ethnically-ambiguous Keanu Reeves, who usually ends up with these kinds of roles. (By the way, if you're reading this Keanu, I love your movies!  I don't know why critics are so harsh when it comes to your acting skills!  Seriously, I'm not being sarcastic here.  You can play me in any movie, bro!  Of course, Hollywood would have to wake up and decide to make an actual Asian American movie where the lead roles aren't animated characters.  And yes, folks, I'm referring to the animated movie "Up" from Disney Pixar, which features an Asian American wilderness scout named Russell, who was based on the Korean American animator Peter Sohen.  Well, at least there's one Asian American leading male actor co-starring in a major summer blockbuster movie this year, even if he is only an animated little  boy voiced by an Asian American child actor.)
    So with that all said folks, does Hollywood "white-wash" the casting of Asian characters in movies?
    I'll let you all decide that one.
    FYI:  There is an Asian actor starring in a major Hollywood movie coming out this year.  The Korean pop star Rain will star in "Ninja Assassin" from Warner Bros.  Of course, moviegoers may also recall that Rain also appeared in "Speed Racer," which was another Japanese animated series that had its main characters suddenly turn white during the casting for the live-action movie version.
    Interestingly enough, a large percentage of major Hollywood studios like Sony are owned by Asian corporations.  (Hmmm... it makes one wonder if all of this could be some kind of "strategic decision to appeal to western audiences" handed down from some anonymous board of directors sitting in a high-rise office building somewhere?  And when you take into consideration the "branding" of movie franchises and crossover marketing of movie tie-in products to consumers, which results in hundreds of millions of dollars in sales, one could logically assume a trickle down effect is happening with the way movies are being cast in order to maximize revenues from their "product.")
    Ed Moy is an award-winning Asian American writer, actor, producer. He has written for Asian Week News, Asiance Magazine and 13 Minutes Magazine. He's a member of the Coalition for Asian Pacifics in Entertainment.

7/24/09 www.JewishWorldReview.com: "Health Care Quotas," 
By Linda Chavez 
    President Obama used his considerable powers of persuasion to try to sell his health care package in a nationally televised press conference this week. But Americans are growing skeptical — and for good reason. The gargantuan new bureaucracy Obamacare envisions would not only be inefficient and expensive but could give birth to a new racial spoils system. 
    Among the provisions in the thousand-page House version are special set-asides aimed at training "underrepresented" minorities in health care professions. The idea is that some minority groups — but not all — will be better served if their doctors share their racial and ethnic background. It's an idea that has been floating around for years. 
    In 2002, the Institute of Medicine released a study entitled "Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care" that sparked a flurry of accusations that minority patients, especially African-Americans, receive bad health care because their doctors were biased. The study said that "(s)ome evidence suggests that bias, prejudice and stereotyping on the part of health care providers may contribute to differences in care." But as Dr. Sally Satel, a highly respected physician and author, observed at the time, the "evidence" in the study was thin. "'Some,' 'suggests' and 'may,'" she wrote, "are all the kinds of words authors use when the data are flimsy and reputations are at stake." 
    There is no question that African-Americans, on average, die younger and have poorer health than whites. What is less clear is why that is the case. Socio-economic class and behavior both play an important role. Homicide is the leading cause of death for young black males between the ages of 15-24, for example. Obesity, drug and alcohol use, and other behavioral factors play an important role in determining overall health. But will insisting on preferences for African-American students applying to medical school admission improve health care for blacks? Not likely. 
    A 2006 study by my Center for Equal Opportunity on preferential admission practices at the University of Michigan School of Medicine showed that admitting black students with lower grades and test scores is a bad idea — especially for the patients who might be treated by these doctors. Black students admitted by UMMS had substantially lower test scores and undergraduate science grade point averages than all other groups admitted. 
    Indeed, in the four years of data CEO analyzed, 11,647 white, Asian, and Hispanic applicants were rejected by UMMS even though they had better grades and test scores than the average black student admitted. And UMMS isn't alone in using race to determine who gets in. CEO has studied preferences in medical school admissions at more than a half-dozen medical schools, including the University of Maryland, the University of Washington, and the State University of New York Brooklyn, all with the same overall results. 
    African-American med students who are admitted despite having lower grades or test scores than their white or Asian peers are less likely to pass medical licensing exams — or, even if they pass, are more likely to perform poorly on them. This hurts everyone: the better-qualified students who are passed over to admit those who will eventually fail to become doctors, and the patients who may end up treated by doctors who are less well prepared. If the idea is to get more black doctors to treat black patients, is it really going to improve health care for African-Americans if those doctors perform worse on medical licensing exams? 
    But Obamacare will push more institutions to adopt racial preferences by giving preference to those that have, in the words of the Democrat House legislation, a "demonstrated record" of "training individuals who are from underrepresented minority groups or disadvantaged backgrounds." And notice the term "underrepresented minorities." They may as well have put up a sign "Asians need not apply." 
    Other provisions in the Democrats' bill would provide for "maintaining, collecting and presenting federal data on race and ethnicity," in order to "facilitate and coordinate identification and monitoring … of health disparities to inform program and policy efforts to reduce such disparities." We've seen these efforts before in the context of employment and education. Their end result is always a form of bean-counting that leads to racial quotas — which is bad medicine and won't improve health care for anyone. 


7/16/09 Los Angeles Times:  "Judy Chu becomes first Chinese American woman elected to Congress,"
By Jean Merl
    Judy Chu can trace the beginnings of her career as a San Gabriel Valley activist and political leader back to the early 1970s and her freshman year in college. 
    As the young math major, intent on a career in computer science, was crossing the UC Santa Barbara quad one day, someone thrust into her hand a flier about a new Asian American studies course. She decided to give it a try.
    "It was like a light went off in my head," Chu recalled. She learned about the history of Asian immigrants and their children, the discrimination and stereotypes they endured and their contributions to American life and culture.
    One of the guest speakers was Pat Sumi, a third-generation Japanese American whose activism included registering blacks to vote in Mississippi and Georgia and organizing protests against the Vietnam War.
    "It was the very first time it occurred to me that an Asian American woman could be a leader," said Chu, who began volunteering with various causes, transferred to UCLA and gave up computers for clinical psychology. 
    On Tuesday, adding to a 24-year political career launched on a local school board, Chu became the first Chinese American woman elected to Congress. She won a special election -- with nearly 62% of the vote -- to succeed longtime ally Hilda Solis, now U.S. Labor secretary, in the 32nd Congressional District.
    She won this election in much the same way she posted earlier victories -- expanding on her Asian base (about 13% of voters in the congressional district) to win support among Latinos (who make up almost half of the registered voters in the district), organized labor (a major element in the largely working-class district) and women. Her years on the Garvey School Board and the Monterey Park City Council and representing a local Assembly district made her a trusted household name among San Gabriel Valley political leaders, many of whom crossed party and ethnic lines to support her. 
    One is Republican Betty Couch, who said she found common ground -- and friendship -- with the unabashedly liberal Chu when they served together on the Monterey Park City Council.
    "She does her homework, she listens, and she really cares about people," said Couch, who said she wishes only that Chu were "a little more frugal" when it comes to government spending. 
    Couch recalled balking at Chu's proposal for city-sponsored child care -- until Chu won her over by adding a service charge based on a family's ability to pay. "She found a way to get me to support something I was philosophically opposed to," Couch said.
    Judy May Chu was born July 7, 1953, in Los Angeles , the second of four children of Judson Chu, a native Californian, and his wife, May, whom he brought from China under the War Brides Act. Judy Chu's paternal grandfather ran a Chinese restaurant in Watts, and the family lived near 62nd Street and Normandie Avenue in South Los Angeles until moving to the Bay Area when Judy was in junior high. 
    Her father worked as an electrical technician for Pacific Bell and her mother was a cannery worker and a member of the Teamsters.
    It was while she was a student at UCLA that Chu met her future husband, attorney Mike Eng. The couple married in 1978. Chu, who holds a doctorate in psychology, continued teaching at Los Angeles City College , then at East Los Angeles College , and Eng practiced immigration law.
    By the early 1980s, the couple had settled in Monterey Park , which was experiencing an influx of immigrants from China , Taiwan and Hong Kong , sparking a backlash among some longtime residents who sought a ban on Chinese-language storefront signs. When a divided City Council voted in 1986 to support a resolution endorsing, among other things, English as the nation's official language, Chu, by then on the school board, and Eng helped form the Coalition for Harmony in Monterey Park .
    "Judy and Mike were always trying to find ways to bring people together," said Jose Calderon, another member of CHAMP who is now an associate professor at Pitzer College in Claremont . They started "harmony days" to celebrate the city's various cultures, and they led a petition drive that moved the council to rescind its divisive resolution.
    Chu was elected to the council in 1988 and, in 2001, won an Assembly seat after two unsuccessful attempts. When she ran for the state Board of Equalization after being termed out of the Assembly in 2006, her husband succeeded her to the 49th District seat.
    Chu, who was scheduled to fly to Washington , D.C. , on Wednesday and be sworn in today, said she plans to come home every weekend. She said that she and Eng will continue their practice of once-weekly "date nights" of dinner out or a movie -- their way of coping with careers that put them in different cities.
    Marilyn Calderon, who served on Chu 's legislative staff in the Assembly and now works for the United Farm Workers, said her former boss always encouraged her employees to aim high and insisted they remember they were there to help people who needed them. 
    Calderon recounted a 2004 meeting in a sun-baked field in Shafter with farm workers and others trying to build support for Chu 's proposed legislation to protect field hands from sometimes-fatal sunstroke. On the ride back to Los Angeles , Calderon said she was drained but Chu seemed energized.
    "She kept talking about how to move forward, what should be included, what the strategy should be," Calderon said. "She's a hard, hard worker."


7/3/09 Jewish World Review: "Sotomayor and Quotas,"
by Linda Chavez
    The Supreme Court's decision this week in the New Haven firefighters case may cause problems for its newest prospective member, Judge Sonia Sotomayor. The court found in favor of a group of white and Hispanic firefighters who were denied promotions despite having passed the city's promotion exams with flying colors. The city threw out the test results because no black firefighters scored high enough to win promotions, and Judge Sotomayor sided with the city when the case came to her on the Second Circuit. 
    Appellate judges often get reversed by the Supreme Court, but this reversal could prove more troublesome to Sotomayor. She has made it clear in a series of speeches over the years that she considers her own ethnic identity crucial to how she decides cases. No fewer than a half-dozen times, Sotomayor has uttered some variation of her now infamous remarks, delivered in a 2001 speech at the University of California at Berkeley, "that a wise Latina woman with the richness of her experiences would more often than not reach a better conclusion than a white male who hasn't lived that life." Her comments were no mere gaffe but a studied description of her views on the importance of race and ethnicity to her role as a judge.
    In the same Berkeley speech, Sotomayor decried the "underrepresentation" of Hispanics on the bench: "we have only 10 out of 147 active Circuit Court judges and 30 out of 587 active district court judges. Those numbers are grossly below our proportion of the population." But as Ed Whelan, president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington , noted recently on National Review Online, even if you want to play the quota game, Sotomayor's objections are dicey. Federal judges are lawyers (with rare historical exceptions on the Supreme Court), and only 3.4 percent were Hispanics in 2000, according to the American Bar Association. Yet Hispanics make up about 5 percent of district court judges and more than 6 percent of appellate judges. 
    Sotomayor's insistence that population numbers be the reference point, not those actually qualified to assume the job, is a clue to just how committed to quotas she is. For years, affirmative action proponents have claimed that they are not advocating quotas. But their reticence has more to do with public relations than policy. The whole idea that some racial or ethnic groups are "underrepresented" in employment or education implies that proportional representation is the goal. And if there are "underrepresented" groups, there must also be "overrepresented" groups. 
    In this game, if there are too few blacks and Hispanics who are lawyers or engineers or doctors, there must be too many whites or Asians or Jews who occupy those positions. And who decides how many is too many? Does race or ethnicity entitle someone to representation in every field and at every level? Clearly the city of New Haven thought so, and it appears Judge Sotomayor agreed. 
    The Senate Judiciary Committee takes up Sotomayor's nomination July 13. The committee should press her on her views about proportional representation — and not let her get away with the usual demurral on quotas. Do our civil rights laws guarantee equal opportunity or equal results? If the former, how does she justify throwing out test results that don't happen to conform to her idea of what the racial makeup of the officer ranks in a fire department should be? If test results consistently thwart promotion of minorities, should we abandon testing altogether? What are the limits of her own preference for groupthink? Should we be interested in promoting individual rights or group rights, especially when the latter interferes with the former? 
    Every one of the New Haven firefighters who wanted to be promoted to lieutenant or captain took the identical tests and had access to the same study materials provided by the department. The exam had been meticulously designed to test the actual skills and knowledge required on the job and to have no cultural biases. Some firefighters succeeded and others failed, based not on their race or ethnicity but on their effort and abilities. 
    During the original debate over the Civil Rights Act of 1964, proponents argued that it would never be used to require racial preferences or proportional representation. Americans deserve to know whether Judge Sotomayor agrees. 
    JWR contributor Linda Chavez is President of the Center for Equal Opportunity. Her latest book is "Betrayal: How Union Bosses Shake Down Their Members and Corrupt American Politics".

7/2/09 press release: “Wells Fargo Invests $208,000 to Develop Asian American Entrepreneurs,”
    San Francisco--(Business Wire)--Wells Fargo said it will invest $208,000 in the US Pan Asian American Chamber of Commerce (USPAACC) Education Foundation for a national research study of the characteristics and interests among business owners in the six largest Asian American ethnic groups: Chinese, Asian Indian, Filipino, Korean, Vietnamese and Japanese. The results will help the Foundation develop educational initiatives for Asian-American entrepreneurs and to train and develop the Foundation’s leadership.
    “There has never been a study focused on business practices as conducted by Asian communities within mainstream America ,” said Susan Au Allen, National President and CEO of the USPAACC Education Foundation. “This investment from Wells Fargo will help us better understand Asian entrepreneurs in the United States and better serve this fast-growing and dynamic community.”
    “For many years, Wells Fargo has enjoyed a supportive relationship with the USPAACC Education Foundation,” said Patrick Yalung, regional president for the company’s Washington region and national spokesperson for Wells Fargo’s Asian Business Services. “This investment again shows our support for and commitment to the Asian business community across America .”
    Wells Fargo & Company is a diversified financial services company with $1.3 trillion in assets, providing banking, insurance, investments, mortgage and consumer finance through more than 10,400 stores, over 12,000 ATMs and the internet (wellsfargo.com) across North America and internationally.
    Wells Fargo is America ’s #1 small business lender in total dollar volume according to the most recent Community Reinvestment Act data (2007) and the #1 SBA 7a national bank lender in total dollar volume (2008). Wells Fargo has loaned more than $39 billion to women, African American, Latino and Asian business owners since 1995. For more information, speak with a Wells Fargo banker, visit wellsfargo.com/biz or call the National Business Banking Center at 1-800-CALL-WELLS.
    The US Pan Asian American Chamber of Commerce (USPAACC) Education Foundation was formed in 1984 as a national non-profit organization representing all Asian Americans and Asian American-related groups in business. For the past two decades, USPAACC Education Foundation has been promoting, nurturing and propelling economic growth by opening doors to contract, educational and professional opportunities for Asian Americans and their business partners in corporate America, the federal, state and local government, and the minority business community.
    USPAACC Education Foundation regularly holds Procurement Connections across the country to address issues that are important to the Asian American business community. USPAACC Education Foundation also certifies Asian American-owned businesses and is a unique one-stop shop where Asian American suppliers increase their contacts and sales, and corporate and government purchasers diversify their supplier base. Headquartered in Washington , D.C. , USPAACC Education Foundation has a nationwide presence through its seven regional chapters in Northern and Southern California, New York , Texas , Georgia , Illinois , and Washington DC-Virginia-Maryland in the National Capital Area.

6/30/09 Washington Post: "Montgomery Schools bars Asian American citizen from School for 2 Years"  (Montgomery Schools Made Teen Wait and Wait and Wait)
By Daniel de Vise
    Jeff Sukkasem is a U.S. citizen and legal resident of Montgomery County, with a passport, a library card and a volunteer job at a local Thai Buddhist temple. For the past two years, however, he essentially has been barred from public school. 
    Jeff, 14, has not set foot in a classroom since March 2007, when he left his mother and sister in the Bangkok suburbs and flew to the United States to live with family friends. The soft-spoken teen, a native of California , said he is here to resume his American life. But school officials regarded him as a visitor, sent to an affluent Washington suburb to attend its superior public schools. They said he would have to pay to do so. 
    Until yesterday. In the face of mounting publicity, the Montgomery school system granted Jeff admission to Walter Johnson High School in Bethesda as a regular student, free of charge. After two years, they reasoned, there is little doubt that he is here to stay. 
    "It's unfortunate that this has dragged on for so long," said Brian Edwards, chief of staff to Superintendent Jerry D. Weast. 
    The dispute illuminates occasional tensions between the Washington area's high-flying suburban schools and families seeking admission. Some claim an address that is not theirs. Others send a child to stay with friends or relatives in the county. 
    "There are people who will do just about anything," Edwards said. 
    The school system has developed an elaborate gatekeeper system to catch cheats. The downside: It might shut out some people with a legitimate claim to attend county schools. 
    Jeff's case was unusual. He was born in San Jose and raised in Richmond , Calif. , until his family returned to Thailand when he was 9. Jeff said he struggled for three years in Thai schools, unable to read or write in Thai. He returned to the United States in 2007, at age 12, and took up residence in Montgomery with a family friend, who became his legal guardian. 
    "I didn't see anything I could do in Thailand ," Jeff said. 
    But school officials concluded that he had come to Montgomery for free schools. They declared him an international student and said he could attend only if he paid nonresident tuition. County policy says a student can be denied resident status, even with a Montgomery address, if it appears residency was set up "for the purpose of free school attendance." 
    As to compulsory attendance laws, school officials said it was the family's responsibility to comply, either by paying tuition or home-schooling him. 
    Jeff said he could afford neither the $14,000 tuition nor a plane ticket home. His father, a police officer, is paid the equivalent of $136 a month; his guardian works nights and makes less than $30,000 a year. 
    Jeff said he has spent the past two years teaching himself, at home and in a Bethesda public library. 
    "It was really hard," he said. "I had to find out what to do, when to do it." 
    This fall at Walter Johnson, Jeff reckons he will have some catching up to do. 


6/28/09 New York Daily News: “For Bernie Madoff, Time To Meet Justice with Judge Denny Chin,
by William Sherman 
    Federal judge Denny Chin, the man who will decide Bernie Madoff's fate Monday, is many things - marathon runner, Yankees fan, devoted dad. But there's one thing he's not. 
    "A softie," said former Mayor Rudy Giuliani, who was Chin's boss for four years at the Manhattan U.S. attorney's office.  "He's not a softie, he's a very balanced man," Giuliani said.
    The world will be watching when Chin sentences Madoff - who faces up to 150 years for ripping off $65 billion from investors. His lawyers have asked for 12.
    Whatever he decides, it will be a starring role for the 55-year-old jurist and 15-year-veteran of the Manhattan federal court bench. 
    Then again, Chin has always been a star, albeit out of an intense spotlight, a self-made man born in absolute poverty who has risen to the top of his profession with a peerless reputation. 
    "Very smart, capable, works very quickly but weighs the issues carefully - and he's extremely fair," said Michael Cardozo, city corporation counsel. 
    Chin and Madoff reached hard for the American dream - Madoff from Far Rockaway, Queens , and Chin from a Hell's Kitchen tenement - but Chin is Madoff's absolute opposite number. 
    Chin, who declined to be interviewed, was born in Hong Kong , and came here at 2 with his parents, who settled in a cramped tenement on W. 42nd St . 
    To support their five kids, his mother worked six days a week in a sweatshop and his father labored nonstop as a cook in a Chinese restaurant. 
    Chin attended a neighborhood public school, then elite Stuyvesant High School , where as a tall, powerful teenager, he starred on the football team.
    His grades earned him a full scholarship to Princeton, then came Fordham Law School , a clerkship with a federal judge, two years at a law firm and then the civil division of the U.S. attorney's office under Giuliani. 
    "Immigration and tax cases, environmental issues, discrimination cases, a star right away," said lawyer and old friend Michael Patrick.
    Susan Campbell, another close friend who worked with Chin under Giuliani, said the judge "is unflappable," although he's keenly aware of the attention paid to the Madoff case.
    Patrick and Campbell had dinner with Chin Tuesday in Tribeca. They said Chin gave no hint as to Madoff's sentence. 
    "We teased him about the case, and he laughed," said Patrick, adding that Chin did indicate complete familiarity with the long sentences given the bosses who pillaged Enron and MCI.
    Campbell, Patrick and Chin formed a law firm after leaving Giuliani's office, but closed it due to a slow economy.
    Chin then worked at Vladeck, Waldman, Elias & Engelhard and, at age 39, was appointed to the federal bench. 
    "I wasn't surprised," Anne Vladeck said. "He's just extremely smart, very diligent, a dry wit, never took himself too seriously, and we miss him." 
    Chin married lawyer Kathy Hirata, a partner at Cadwalader Wickersham and Taft. They have two sons, one who plays football at Stuyvesant, while the other is in junior high.
    "He and his wife are the most powerful Asian-Americans in the legal field," said Patrick, noting that Chin was involved in the Asian-American Bar Association. 
    Even lawyers he's slammed are Chin fans. 
    Lawyer Judd Burstein, whom Chin fined $50,000 for "Rambo" tactics in court - a punishment later reversed on appeal - has high praise for the judge. 
    "I've tried three cases before him, and ... I can't think of anyone in that courthouse who is more fundamentally fair than Denny Chin," Burstein said. 
    "But he does not like intellectual dishonesty. Not at all."

6/23/09 Investors Business Daily: “The Viciousness Of Academic Liberals,”
by Walter E. Williams 
    Ward Connerly, former University of California regent, has an article, "Study, Study, Study — A Bad Career Move" in the June 2, 2009, edition of Minding the Campus that should raise any decent American's level of disgust for what's routinely practiced at most of our universities.
    Mr. Connerly tells of a conversation he had with a high-ranking UC administrator about a proposal that the administrator was developing to increase campus diversity.
    Connerly asked the administrator why he considered it important to tinker with admissions instead of just letting the chips fall where they may. His response was that unless the university took steps to "guide" admissions decisions, the UC campuses would be dominated by Asians.
    When Connerly asked, "What would be wrong with that?", the UC administrator told him that Asians are "too dull — they study, study, study." Then he said to Connerly, "If you ever say I said this, I will have to deny it."
    Connerly did not reveal the administrator's name. It would not have done any good because it's part of a diversity vision shared by most college administrators.
    With the enactment of California 's Proposition 209 in 1996, outlawing racial discrimination in college admissions, Asian enrollment at UC campuses has skyrocketed. The UC Berkeley student body is 42% Asian students; UC Irvine 55%; UC Riverside 43%; and UCLA 38%. Asian student enrollment on all nine UC campuses is over 40%. That's in a state where the Asian population is about 13%.
    When there are policies that emphasize and reward academic achievement, Asians excel. College officials and others who are proponents of "diversity" and equal representation find that outcome offensive.
    To deal with the Asian "menace," the UC regents have proposed, starting in 2010, that no longer will the top 12.5% of students based on statewide performance be automatically admitted. Students won't have to take SAT subject matter tests. Grades and test scores will no longer weigh so heavily in admission decisions.
    This is simply gross racial discrimination against those "dull" Asian students who "study, study, study" in favor of "interesting" black, white and Hispanic students who don't "study, study, study."
    This is truly evil and would be readily condemned as such if applied to other areas lacking in diversity.
    With blacks making up about 80% of professional basketball players, there is little or no diversity in professional basketball. Even at college-level basketball, it's not unusual to watch two teams playing and there not being a single white player on the court, much less a Chinese or Japanese player.
    I can think of several rule changes that might increase racial diversity in professional and college basketball. How about eliminating slam dunks and disallowing three-point shots? Restrict dribbling? Lower the basket's height?
    These and other rule changes would take away the "unfair" advantage that black players appear to have and create greater basketball diversity.
    But wouldn't diversity so achieved be despicable? If you answer yes, why would it be any less so when it's used to fulfill somebody's vision of college diversity?
    Ward Connerly ends his article saying, "There is one truth that is universally applicable in the era of 'diversity,' especially in American universities: an absolute unwillingness to accept the verdict of colorblind policies."
    Hypocrisy is part and parcel of the liberal academic elite. But the American people, who fund universities as parents, donors or taxpayers, should not accept this evilness and there's a good way to stop it — cut off the funding to racially discriminating colleges and universities.
    Williams is a professor of economics at George Mason University .

June 22, 2009 East Valley Tribune: "Block on affirmative action headed to ballot,"
By Howard Fischer
    Arizonans will decide next year if they want to outlaw affirmative action programs and any special programs or preferences for women and minorities.
   On a 17-11 vote the Senate gave final approval to a proposed constitutional amendment to prohibit preferential treatment or discrimination by government on the basis of race or sex. The measure, which already has been approved by the House, now goes on the 2010 ballot.
    It will be the first time Arizonans get to vote on the issue. A similar initiative drive in 2008 failed when backers did not get enough signatures.
    But Californian Ward Connerly, who helped craft this measure, said that does not mean Arizonans don't want the language in the state constitution.
    He said it reflected instead on the difficulties in getting measures on the ballot. And Connerly said the fact that other issues managed to qualify -- and some actually were approved -- is irrelevant.
    The measure is aimed at any law, rule or regulation that would give any group preference in public employment, contracting or education. These range from admissions to the state's two publicly funded law schools to the set-aside and bid preferences offered by Tucson for minority-owned businesses.
    "It is unconscionable that we are allowing government to discriminate in these areas,'' said Rep. Steve Montenegro, R-Litchfield Park . "That's not equal treatment.''
    Connerly, who pushed through a similar measure in his home state in 1996, said it "sets the tone that government should not be discriminating against its citizens or granting anyone preferential treatment.''
    He also said that this measure simply mirrors the intent of other civil rights laws that already ban discrimination.
    "We sometimes forget that these laws are not just there for women and minorities,'' he said.
    "They're there to apply to everybody,'' Connerly continued. "Black people aren't the only ones to have civil rights.''
    Federal courts have outlawed numerical quotas which spell out that a certain percentage of school admissions, jobs or contracts must go to minorities or women.
    But judges have upheld various "affirmative action'' programs designed to help those whose groups have been underrepresented. And the courts also have allowed certain bid preferences if the government can show that minority or women are not getting a share of contracts.
    Montenegro

 

6/11/09 Sacramento Bee: “Ward Connerly: UC admission plan allows discrimination,”
    About five years ago, shortly before my term ended as a regent of the University of California , I was having a conversation with a high-ranking UC administrator about a proposal he was developing to increase "diversity" at UC within the dictates of California 's Constitution and the prohibition against race, gender and ethnic preferences.
    I asked him why he considered it important to tinker with admissions instead of just letting the chips fall where they may. In an unguarded moment, he told me that unless the university took steps to "guide" admissions decisions, UC would be dominated by Asians. When I asked, "What would be wrong with that?" I got an answer that speaks volumes about the underlying philosophy at many universities with regard to Asian enrollment.
    The UC administrator told me that Asians are "too dull – they study, study, study." He then said, "If you ever say I said this, I will have to deny it." I won't betray the individual's anonymity because to do so would put him in a world of trouble. Yet, it is time to confront the not-so-subtle hand of discrimination against Asians that masquerades as "building diversity" at many campuses. 
    It is a mistake to believe that all forms of discrimination flow from hate and inherently foul motives. Certainly, the desire to attract more black students to a campus that is lacking in blacks is not an evil aspiration; however, when it becomes necessary to reject those who "study, study, study" in order to admit those who study insufficiently, then the mission to include more blacks becomes a much more ominous one.
    Since the passage of Proposition 209 in 1996, Asian enrollment at UC has skyrocketed. For example, UC Berkeley has a 42 percent Asian undergraduate enrollment; UC Irvine is at 55 percent; UC Riverside is 43 percent; and UC Los Angeles is 38 percent. The overall percentage in the nine undergraduate UC campuses is more than 40 percent, in a state where the Asian population is about 13 percent. Thus, Asians are excelling under policies that emphasize and reward academic achievement at a ratio that is more than three times their actual statewide population.
    As the percentage of Asians has skyrocketed, there is no question that UC administrators and social engineers on the UC faculty have become increasingly alarmed and feel a sense of obligation to do something and, clearly, the only way to reduce the Asian presence is to de-emphasize academic achievement.
    In recent months, the UC regents have deliberated about – and approved – a proposal that would significantly revise the admissions policies of the university. Beginning in 2012, UC will no longer automatically admit the top 12.5 percent of all students based on statewide performance and will no longer place the reliance that is currently placed on grades and test scores.
    Instead, the eligibility pool will be expanded by a projected 40 percent by eliminating the requirement for applicants to take the SAT subject matter tests. The net effect of these changes is that academic achievement will be less significant and UC admissions administrators will have the "flexibility" to discriminate against those allegedly "dull" Asians.
    As is generally the case, the UC faculty was well aware of the probable effect of its proposed changes. Until now, it was certain that any change in policies that would adversely affect Asians would go unchallenged by Asians. The so-called Asian civil rights groups, such as Chinese for Affirmative Action, that purport to represent the interest of Asians have not served their communities with distinction. Having cast their lot with the "diversity" and inclusion crowd, they have looked the other way when Asians have been the victims of blatant discrimination. The absence of a squeaky wheel demanding grease allowed the UC faculty and regents to roll right along with their proposal and to approve it.
    The proposed UC admissions policies are so egregious and so dramatically discriminatory against Asians that these groups could not remain silent – and have credibility within their communities – as the grass-roots opposition from within specific Asians groups began to surface. It is noteworthy that what concerns these groups most is not the discriminatory effects of UC's proposals upon Asians, or the prospect of more blacks and Latinos being admitted, but the possibility that those devilish whites might stand to benefit from the changes. As one Asian advocate put it, "It is patently unreasonable to herald any sort of increase in student diversity if it comes with an increase in white students; this is unacceptable."
    There is one truth that is universally applicable in the era of "diversity," especially in American universities: an absolute unwillingness to accept the verdict of color-blind policies. Until that fact changes, UC and other American institutions will continue trying to fix that which is not broken to achieve their arrogant version of "diversity," by discriminating against those "dull" Asians, such as two of my grandchildren whose mother is half-Vietnamese. 
    Ward Connerly is president of the American Civil Rights Institute and a former regent of the University of California . He is the author of a newly released memoir, "Lessons From My Uncle James."

6/10/09 New York Post: "Two Teens Targeting Asians Arraigned for Murder,"
by Kirsten Fleming, Philip Messing and Andy Geller
    Two Asian-hating teen pals, one the stepson of a cop, have been busted for robbing and brutally beating and strangling a Chinese newspaper executive, police said today.
    Corey Azor, 16, of Queens, and Chris Levy, 17, of Harlem - who targeted other Asians before - were arrested in with the murder of David Kao, 49, whose body was found Saturday in Flushing.
    After the slaying, they said they went joy riding in Kao's car for two days.
    Kao, who lived in Elmhurst , was a marketing executive at World Journal, the largest Chinese-language daily newspaper in the U.S.
    His 21-year-old daughter attends college in Taiwan .
    "He's a humble guy who brings happiness too everybody," coworker James Yam said of Kao.
    The teens, who met in junior high school, were charged with second-degree murder, first- and second-degree robbery, and criminal possession of stolen property.
    They face 25 years to life if convicted.
    They are expected to be charged with using similar tactics to rob another Asian man last month.
    Friends said Kao had eaten at a Korean restaurant with a friend Friday evening.
    He was dozing in the driver's seat of his sister's 2000 Lexus SUV, which was double-parked in front of his ex-wife's Flushing home when the thugs spotted him at 1 a.m. Saturday, police said.
    Azor - whose stepfather is assigned to NYPD's automotive unit - and Levy broke into the car and put Kao into a choke hold and then dragged him into the back seat.
    "I continued to hold him in the headlock and punch him in the face and then he stopped moving," court papers quote Levy as telling detectives.
    The deadly duo callously dumped his body on the street, emptied his wallet of cash and spent the next two days joy riding with a gaggle of teen friends, prosecutors said.
    They were busted on Monday.
    Yam said coworkers tried to call Kao on his cell phone Saturday after he didn't show up to play badminton. After that, they called cops.
    Cops said Azor later confessed that that he, Levy and 17-year-old Keron Wilthshire robbed Jin Tong Yuan of $60 and his cell phone on May 27.
    They followed the victim into the elevator of a Flushing building and when he tried to run, Wiltshire put him in a headlock and Levy held a silver pistol up Yuan's head, police said.
    Wiltshire later claimed it was toy gun.
    The robbery was captured on a surveillance camera and the images used to track down the suspects, police said.
    Azor, a student at Flushing HS, and Levy, a tenth grader at Robert Kennedy HS, were held without bail in Kao's brutal murder.
    Wilthshire, who attends Bryant has a prior assault arrest on his rap sheet, was held on $75,000 bail in the Yuan robbery, for which he was charged with first- and second-degree robbery and third-degree criminal possession of stolen property.
    Queens District Attorney Richard Brown called Kao's slaying a "senseless and brutal crime" that shows "complete disregard for human life."


6/10/09 Asian American Action Fund of Greater Chicago:
    We are deeply saddened by the loss of The Honorable Sandra R. Otaka. She passed away in her home on June 6, 2009. She gave her time and energy selflessly to the Asian American community.  She was an extraordinary leader, a trailblazer, and a friend and mentor to many. She also taught us the importance of APA political empowerment and to be politically savvy. Her candidacy for Cook County judge in the 9th subcircuit is a textbook example for future APA candidates running for office. Judge Otaka will be greatly missed.
    Judge Otaka was the first Asian American to be appointed to the bench by the Illinois Supreme Court.  Her appointment marked a significant milestone, as she was one of only four Asian American judges in the State of Illinois , and only one of two Asian American judges sitting on the Circuit Court of Cook County . She won her election in the 9th subcircuit in 2002, and became the first Asian American to be elected judge in Cook County . Throughout her career, she worked on the issue of diversity in the judiciary, so that Asian Americans had representation. 
    Prior to her appointment, Judge Otaka served as a Section Chief for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency for more than a decade, and was a litigation associate at Sidley & Austin, specializing in product liability.
    Judge Otaka received her B.A. from the University of California , Berkeley , and her J.D. from UCLA School of Law.  Throughout law school and her legal career, Judge Otaka has remained steadfastly dedicated to the Asian American community, focusing particularly on increasing diversity and preserving human rights. The Chicago Reporter stated in a 2002 article that she gained a reputation for taking on causes that she believed in, whether they were popular or not, like fighting to legalize acupuncture, tangling with politicians over the land rights of a Cambodian temple, and helping to draft the Cook County Human Rights Ordinance. She built coalitions across ethnic lines and became politically savvy.
    A few of the many leadership positions she has occupied have been: Chair of the Asian American Advisory Committee to State Comptroller Dan Hynes, Chair of the Chicago Bar Association, Council on Minority Affairs, Member of the Cook County Commission on Human Rights, Vice President of the Asian American Bar Association of the Greater Chicago area and a longtime Board Member of the Japanese American Service Committee.
    Judge Otaka was appointed by Illinois Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Miller as the only Asian American on the prestigious Solovy Commission in 1992 and was chosen by Governor Jim Edgar in 1997 as the first Asian American to serve on the Judicial Inquiry Board, of which she eventually became Chair.  Judge Otaka also served as Chair to Senator Paul Simon's Asian American Advisory Committee.  Through her efforts, the State's Minority Teaching Scholarship program was expanded to include Asians and Native Americans.
    Judge Otaka has been the recipient of numerous awards including The Vanguard Award in 2004 for making the law and legal profession more accessible to and reflective of the community at large, the Pan Asian American of the Year Award from the Asian American Coalition in 1994, the Martin Luther King Community Leadership Award by Cook County Board President John Stroger in 1995, the City of Chicago Human Relations Award in 1999 as well as three regional awards from the U.S. EPA.
    Sandra Otaka was the proud and loving mother of Jeffrey Otaka.  She is also survived by her sister Susan Smith. Our deepest condolences to Jeffrey and her family.  
    A public memorial service has been scheduled as follows:
Wednesday, June 24, 2009
6:30 pm
Union League Club
65 West Jackson Blvd. ,  Chicago
    Contributions in memory of Sandra can be sent as follows:
"Glenview State Bank for the Jeffrey Otaka Account"
Mail to:
Glenview State Bank
800 Waukegan Road
Glenview , IL   60025  



5/28/2009 Queens , NY Chronicle: “Liu’s aide John Choe wants to succeed boss,”
by Liz Rhoades, Managing Editor
    Joining a crowded field of contenders, John Choe, chief of staff for John Liu, announced Monday he wants to replace his boss in the City Council.
    Although he is facing at least six other Democratic opponents in the race for Flushing ’s District 20 City Council seat, Choe appears to be the anointed one. He was endorsed by the Queens Democratic Party on Tuesday morning and the candidate says he has Liu’s support, “100 percent.”
    Liu could run for re-election but has decided to seek the city comptroller position. The Queens Democrats also endorsed Liu in his race.
    Choe, 30, was born in Korea and raised in Australia . He moved to the United States with his family in the 1980s, settling in Staten Island .
    His announcement was made at the Macedonia A.M.E. Church in Flushing , a historic black church, where he has garnered the support of its minister, the Rev. Nicholas Tweed. With the candidate were several community leaders of various ethnicities, signalling his wide-ranging support.
    “John has a clear vision and a proven track record of service,” Tweed said. “He possesses all the qualities of a fine City Council member and has been active on every major issue affecting this community.”
    Choe’s key issues are affordable housing, good schools and a fair share of city services. “Our community has played an important role as a center of religious freedom and cultural diversity,” he said. “These are the American values that our men and women in uniform are fighting to protect and what I hope to uphold as the next City Council member.”
    So far, his opponents include two other Korean-American and two Chinese-American candidates. Although those running downplay the ethnic aspect, some believe they could split the Asian vote, allowing another candidate to win the primary.
    Choe disputes that theory. “I am not only a Korean candidate,” he said. “Asians are not the majority vote in Flushing .”
    He believes the more candidates the better, since it will give voters plenty of choices. However, he would not be surprised if some candidates decide to pull out of the race following the county endorsement.
    Choe is stepping down this week as Liu’s chief of staff to run his campaign full-time. One of his first efforts will be in fundraising, since he admits needing more money to qualify for matching funds.
    A graduate of SUNY Binghamton, Choe earned his master’s degree at the University of Chicago . He worked for the city Department of Finance, Corporation for Supportive Housing, city Rent Guidelines Board and the Rainbow Center , a shelter and community center for Korean women in Queens .
    He joined Liu’s staff as legislative director in 2001 and also serves as co-president of the Mitchell-Linden Civic Association and is a board member of the Democratic Organization of Flushing.
    Choe believes his experience working for Liu and as a civic leader puts him in the forefront. “I have connections with civic groups and my strength is in the community,” he said. “They know who I am and I will not need on-the-job training.”
    He credits Liu as a great mentor, who taught him to bring people together and hold city agencies accountable. “I want to continue this,” Choe said. “And John has been very effective in bringing home the bacon for schools and social service agencies.”
    He is an advocate of safety in neighborhoods, which includes increasing job opportunities for young people and making them a part of the community.
    Choe also wants a sustainable community by maintaining the area’s quality of life. “Growth is not enough without providing additional classrooms, transit options and an improved infrastructure,” he said.
    Perhaps the greatest thing he learned from Liu was bringing the community together. “Working together and looking for common solutions” are the keys, he said.
    Because of his work experience, Choe believes he has a record of achievement, adding, “I’ll advocate from day one.”
    Regarding mayoral control of schools, the candidate believes accountability is important, “but parents feel they don’t have a meaningful role and that’s not good. They are an integral part of the community.”
    Working for Liu his entire eight years in office, Choe says he will follow his boss’s playbook in his quest for the City Council position — in part. “I have big shoes to fill, but I have my own style,” he concluded.

5/21/09 Wall Street Journal: “Asian Candidate Leads in Latino Stronghold,”
by Miriam Jordan
    Los Angeles -- A Chinese-American woman looks likely to take the congressional seat vacated by Labor Secretary Hilda Solis in a district that has been a traditional stronghold of Latino political power.
    Judy Chu, vice chairwoman of the state's Board of Equalization, outpolled state Sen. Gil Cedillo, a seasoned Latino politician, to become the top vote-getter in a special election held Tuesday for
California's 32nd congressional district. Ms. Chu's results fells short of the majority required to avert a runoff on July 14.
    In a contest in which only 6% of the 246,000 eligible voters turned out, Ms. Chu was aided by a strong showing from Emanuel Pleitez, a 26-year-old political newcomer.
    Mr. Pleitez, a former banker and Obama campaign staffer, combined old-style door-to-door campaigning with online fund raising to win third place. But he also effectively split the Latino vote with Mr. Cedillo.
    "Pleitez was the effective spoiler for Cedillo's bid," says Allan Hoffenblum, a Republican political consultant. "His total votes were much greater in number than the margin of victory that Chu had over
Cedillo."
    With 100% of precincts fully or partially reporting, Ms. Chu had 15,338 votes to Mr. Cedillo's 11,244 and 6,509 for Mr. Pleitez.
    Nearly half of the registered voters are Latino in the district, which includes parts of Eastern Los Angeles and towns in the San Gabriel Valley . But the area is 20% Asian and home to a burgeoning Chinese
and Vietnamese population.
    Despite their growing numbers, Asians aren't a majority in any U.S. congressional district. In Los Angeles , they have wielded less political clout than Latinos, who are traditionally active in labor and community organizations.
    Both Ms. Chu and Mr. Cedillo are liberal Democrats with deep ties to the labor movement.
    Ms. Chu, 55 years old, is a former mayor of Monterey Park , a town in the district, and a former state assemblywoman. Her campaign touted her experience. She raised nearly $1 million, outdoing all rivals.
    Ms. Chu now faces a potentially awkward contest in the runoff against a Republican candidate who shares her surname, Betty Chu. However, the Republican isn't expected to present much of a challenge in a district
where registered Democrats outnumber Republicans two-to-one.

5/20/09 AFP: “US senators seek to reunite torn immigrant families,”
    Washington (AFP) — US senators on Wednesday reintroduced legislation aimed at bringing together immigrant families who are often torn apart for years due to a severe backlog.
    The bill stalled last year in Congress but the political climate has changed since the inauguration of President Barack Obama, who hopes to launch a drive to overhaul the immigration system this year.
    The bill, introduced by senators including Democratic Party icon Ted Kennedy, would put a priority on giving visas to US residents' spouses and minor children overseas.
    It would provide more slots for immigrants by putting unused visas -- which were not assigned due to the creaky system -- back into the pool.
    The bill would also give priority to World War II veterans from the Philippines along with their children.
    It marks the latest measure to make amends with the group. Obama earlier signed into law a measure restoring benefits to Filipino veterans, who fought alongside US forces but were stripped of payments after the war.
    The family bill has been championed by Asian-American groups, which say visa applicants from some nations face waits of more than 20 years. US law forbids them from visiting the United States while their applications are pending.
    Senator Robert Menendez, another sponsor of the bill, said that the United States had "clear societal and economic reasons" to put a priority on reuniting families.
    "Strong, unified immigrant families help maintain stable communities and tend to work hard, pay taxes and start businesses that create jobs," he said.
    A similar bill will be introduced shortly in the House, according to the Asian American Justice Center, an advocacy group.
    Obama has given few details on his eventual plans for immigration reform. But as a candidate he called for undocumented immigrants to have the chance to clear their status, provided they enter the process behind legal immigrants, learn English and pay a fine.

5/20/2009 San Jose Mercury News: "Despite their success, Asians not rising to heights of Silicon Valley 's corporate world,"
by Mike Swift
    In Silicon Valley , "Asian" and "success" often seem synonymous.
    Asians lead all racial groups in levels of education and income, and they are a quarter or more of undergraduates at elite universities like Stanford
and the University of California-Berkeley. Last week, the Census Bureau said Santa Clara County had the largest annual Asian population growth in the United States — for the third successive year.
    But an eye-opening first-of-its-kind "census" of local executives shows that while Asians make up more than a third of the work force at some of Silicon Valley's biggest tech companies, they are far less prominent in the boardroom or the highest executive offices: Asians represent about 6 percent of board members and about 10 percent of corporate officers of the Bay Area's 25 largest companies.
    Among the 25 largest Bay Area companies by revenue, 12 had no Asian board members, and five had no Asian corporate officers, according to the new study. Despite the growing prominence of Asians 
at Silicon Valley tech companies — Asians are least 23 percent of the work force at Cisco Systems, Intel, Sun Microsystems, eBay and Advanced Micro Devices, according to a Mercury News review of 
documents filed with the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission — they have made no gains in the share of seats on the boards of large tech companies since 1999.
    "There is an underlying belief in the Asian community that there is a corporate glass ceiling," said Buck Gee, a retired Cisco vice president and former Silicon Valley CEO who co-authored the study. He and Wes Hom, a retired IBM vice president who was also the senior chair of the company's Asian Diversity Task Force program, built their survey from company data on Web sites and SEC filings from the third quarter of 2008. "This has been talked about in the Asian community for a long time."
    Gee began asking where all the Asian CEOs were back in 2006, when the resignation of two Chinese vice presidents caused him take a look around at Cisco. To his shock, he realized he was the only Chinese vice president in the San Jose networking giant's product 
development organization.
    "I thought, 'That can't be right,' " Gee said. But it was.
    Asians are better represented among the leadership of Bay Area companies compared with all Fortune 500 companies, Gee and Hom say, but the Bay Area also has the highest percentage Asian population among the nation's big metro areas. They place much of the blame for Asian non-advancement not on big companies, but on limiting factors within Asian culture and the failure of Asian executives to mentor talented younger colleagues.
    "It's mostly our fault," Gee said of the small numbers of Asians at the helm of the Bay Area's biggest companies. "It's mostly up to us to figure out the skills we need to develop, and to get those skills."
    The issue is front and center at a forum today at The Indus Entrepreneurs in Santa Clara , featuring a panel including Gee and executives from Cisco, Intel and Nektar. The forum, along with Gee and Hom's research, is a joint program with the Asia Society of Northern 
California and Ascend, an Asian business group.
    Gee and Hom and a small group of executives are organizing a Corporate Executive Initiative, hoping to work with Bay Area companies to foster the career development of promising younger Asian workers.
    The executive census and a related paper — "The Failure of Asian Success in the Bay Area" — say several social factors hold Asian managers back, including cultural deference to superiors, which U.S.
managers may view as a worker lacking confidence or knowledge; a lack of strong English skills; and a failure of some Asian workers to invest enough effort in networking.
    While East Asian cultures and educational systems tend to encourage technical excellence and respect for authority, they may not do as good a job developing leadership and communication skills, Gee and Hom say.
    "The culture says you don't have to raise your hand — just do a good job," Hom said.
    Among the 100 largest Bay Area companies, Gee and Hom found 13 Asian CEOs. But six were the founders of their company.
    The list of companies without Asian corporate officers includes Apple, AMD and Symantec, according to the study. The list of companies without an Asian board member includes Intel, Oracle, Chevron, eBay and Symantec. 
    Given the high-profile successes of a few Asian entrepreneurs like Yahoo cofounder Jerry Yang, and with so many Asians who are mid-level managers, the lack of top executives is "a problem hidden in plain
view," the study says.
    "Everybody agrees this is the case, but very few Asians are willing to come out and make a stink about it," said Jane Hyun, an executive coach and multicultural leadership strategist, and the author of 
"The Bamboo Ceiling," a 2005 book about the limits on Asian career advancement. "You don't see an Asian Al Sharpton-type figure out  there. You don't see people making waves that we haven't really reached these positions." 
    Cisco, which has one Asian board member, is trying to unearth the management talents of its Asian workers.
    The company has created a "Cisco Asian Affinity Network," which helps employees develop their business, communication and influence skills. "Diversity and inclusion is a top priority for Cisco," said 
spokesman Ken Lotich, echoing the statements of many companies.
    Hyun and others say the situation is not limited to business. At Stanford University , Asians made up 24 percent of the undergraduate Class of 2008. But university officials acknowledge they have no record of having an Asian academic administrator above
the level of department head in the school's history.
    Gee and Hom say their goal is to launch a dialogue about how Asians can fully contribute their business talents. 
    Nevertheless, Hyun said U.S. business culture can limit Asian advancement if existing leaders are unfamiliar with leadership styles from other parts of the world.
    "Organizations want you to demonstrate leadership in a certain way," Hyun said. "There is definitely a pressure to be like the senior leaders that are already in place."

5/20/09 Los Angeles Times: “ Chu defeats Cedillo in 32nd Congressional District,”
by Jean Merl
    State Board of Equalization Vice Chairwoman Judy Chu won the most votes Tuesday for the open 32nd Congressional District seat, running well ahead of fellow Democrat state Sen. Gil Cedillo, but she fell short of the majority needed to avoid a runoff.
    Political newcomer Emanuel Pleitez, who surprised politics watchers with his significant fundraising and campaign of personal contacts and energetic
volunteers, was running a strong third. Monterey Park Councilwoman Betty Tom Chu was first among the three Republicans on the ballot in the strongly Democratic district.
    "I'm really excited, and I feel so honored by the votes of the people in the district," Judy Chu said at her victory party at Nick's Taste of Texas restaurant in Covina as the ballot tallying neared an end.
    Judy Chu, a Chinese American, campaigned on her experience and deep roots in the district and worked to build coalitions across ethnic lines.  She will face a Republican and a Libertarian in a runoff.
    Among the few local races on Tuesday's ballot, the congressional district race was widely watched because of its test of ethnic politics.
    The hotly contested special election in the San Gabriel Valley-based district featured 12 names on the ballot and at least one write-in candidate.
    There will be a runoff July 14 among the top vote-getters from each of the parties in the race. Because the district is strongly Democratic, however, it
is widely expected that the seat ultimately will go to the Democrat. The seat, one of the few area elected offices without term limits, opened unexpectedly
with the appointment of Hilda Solis as U.S. labor secretary.
    From the start, the race was generally seen as a two-way contest between Cedillo, a labor union leader before his 1998 election to the state Assembly
and later the state Senate, and Chu , a former member of the Monterey Park City Council and the Assembly.
    Both are liberal Democrats with similar views and strong ties to labor in the working-class district. But their candidacies were testing the power of ethnic
politics in the district, home to large numbers of Latinos -- about half the registered voters -- and a growing population of Asian Americans.
    Cedillo, backed by such local politicians as Los Angeles County Supervisor Gloria Molina and Sheriff Lee Baca, worked to mobilize his Latino base. He raised about $717,000.
    Chu, trying forge a multi- ethnic coalition, had backing from Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, Rep. Diane Watson (D- Los Angeles ) and a
host of elected officials from San Gabriel Valley cities and school boards.
    Chu, who raised nearly $1 million, also had the support of the California Democratic Party and Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, which spent about $150,000 campaigning on her behalf.
    The United Farmworkers Union endorsed both Cedillo and Chu , which some saw as an indication of conflicting loyalties within labor.
    Christopher M. Agrella, the only Libertarian on the ballot, was guaranteed a spot in the July runoff.

5/18/09 Boston Globe: “Yoon looks beyond Boston to enlist backers,”
by Michael Levenson
   Washington - The California congressman looked out on a crowd of 100 Asian-American political activists dining in a drab conference room at the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee.  Mike Honda urged them to donate to a rising star on the political
scene: Sam Yoon, candidate for mayor of Boston .
    " Boston has been waiting for a long time because the Irish have had it," said Honda, addressing the annual dinner of the Asian American Action Fund. "I believe Sam is ready to take over and lead one of the major cities in the country."
    Yoon beamed. Such dinners have become crucial to his aspirations to become mayor of Boston, fueling him with applause, cheers, and financial support that are harder to come by at home, where Mayor Thomas M. Menino dominates the political establishment and where Yoon remains a relatively low-profile figure, unknown to 38 percent of residents, according to a recent Globe poll.
    He has been working hard to cultivate the support, traveling the country to meet Asian-American political activists, who have enthusiastically embraced his campaign and showered him with donations. Many say Yoon, who became Boston 's first Asian-American
city councilor in 2005, represents a promising new voice from a group that has been historically underrepresented in government.
    "He's a trailblazer in his own time," said Bel Leong-Hong, chairwoman-elect of the Asian American Action Fund, which endorsed Yoon's mayoral campaign and his 2005 and 2007 council campaigns.
"What our organization is about is creating the pipeline to national office, and he's certainly in that pipeline."
    Yoon has held few public campaign events in Boston , and last week his only public events were on Saturday, aides said. Yet over the past year he has courted donors in California, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Chicago, and has more trips planned to Washington, D.C., Chicago, and Atlanta . His rainmaking has helped him be competitive in the mayor's race. Since January, Yoon has raised $151,158, 52 percent of it from donors outside Massachusetts .
    Still, because Yoon has been spending heavily, he has just $31,422 in his campaign account, far less than Menino's $1.4 million war chest.  His campaign is worried about the perception that he lacks substantial
support from local donors.
    Jim Spencer, Yoon's strategist, said the campaign is in an "awkward position," forced to travel outside Boston because many local donors are reluctant to snub Menino.
    "We've called hundreds of donors who say, 'I'd love to love to see Yoon as mayor, but I can't do this. I'm afraid,' " Spencer said. Even so, he said, the campaign recently collected commitments of $25 to $70 from 145
donors in Boston . "I don't want anybody to think we finance everything out of the city, because we don't," Spencer said.
    Yoon confronted the issue in Washington on Wednesday night.
    "I am proud of every single dollar, because you're not a developer," Yoon told the crowd of mostly young lawyers, activists and congressional staffers.
"You're not a construction company. You're not a vendor who has business before the city. The mayor does not write your paycheck. Your motivation is the purest motivation there is which is, you are just proud of who I am."
    Yoon, 39, who was born in South Korea , is already among the most prominent Korean-Americans in elected office, along with the mayors of Irvine, Calif. , and Edison , N.J. He has used his stature to raise his profile as a political activist.
    Last year, Yoon founded a political action group, Asian Political Leadership Fund, which has raised $120,000 - $100,000 from a Korean-American hedge fund manager in New Jersey and $20,000 from Bernard Chiu, a Boston businessman who runs First Act Guitar Studio.
    Yoon has spent $60,000 from the fund to run ads in Asian-language newspapers for candidates nationwide, including Hubert Vo, a Vietnamese-
American state representative in Texas; Ashwin Madia, an Indian-American Iraq war veteran who ran unsuccessfully for Congress in Minnesota ; and
Barack Obama.
    "He's not going to limit his ambitions to Boston," said Annabel Park, a filmmaker and activist who attended the dinner. "Hopefully, he'll run for higher office."
    Yoon was featured prominently at the event. He told the crowd he is challenging Secretary of State William F. Galvin to have the names of candidates printed in Chinese on election ballots.
    The organizers announced that they would sponsor a summer intern to work on Yoon's campaign and joked that it would be President Obama.  They brought Yoon before the crowd and auctioned off a breakfast with
him in Washington , which went to five attendees who bid $300 each.
    Honda, who is vice chairman of the Democratic National Committee, asked everyone to donate to Yoon. "The good news is that he has all the money he needs to run his campaign," Honda declared. "The bad news is, it's still in your pockets. So open up your pockets and talk to your friends and ask your relatives and everybody else to do the same."
    Yoon, who traveled with his finance director, Frank Woodruff, was at ease in the crowd, laughing, mingling, exchanging business cards and delivering a powerful exhortation on Asian-American political empowerment.
    "We don't have time to lose," he told the crowd. "We are the community in this country who is the least represented in the halls of government, who have the least amount of experience in campaigns and politics. That's just a fact. And yet our history goes back to 150 years, when the Chinese came and built the railroads. We have to catch up. So there is no time to lose.
Now is the time."

5/7/09 Congressional Quarterly Politics: “Loretta Sanchez Endorses Chu in California 32,”
By Jonathan Allen and Rachel Kapochunas, CQ Staff 
    California Democrat Loretta Sanchez is breaking with her fellow Hispanic House members again — this time by endorsing Judy Chu, who is Asian American, in the race to succeed Labor Secretary Hilda L. Solis in
California’s 32nd District.
    The Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC) has rallied behind state Sen. Gil Cedillo, the most prominent Latino candidate in the May 19 special 
election race. 
    But Chu, a member of the state Board of Equalization, has picked up support from some significant local Latino officials, including Los Angeles 
Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. Now, she has added Sanchez to her team.
    Not only is Sanchez’s endorsement a break from Hispanic lawmakers but it’s a break from her sister, fellow California congresswoman Linda T. 
Sánchez , who has donated money to Cedillo. Updated fundraising totals for the 32nd District race are due to be filed Thursday.
    “The congresswoman and Judy Chu have been longtime friends, and she has endorsed her in all of her races,” said Adrienne Elrod, chief of staff for 
Loretta Sanchez .
    The sisters had a public split with the CHC in 2007 charging that Chairman Joe Baca , a California Democrat, had demeaned women, abused the group’s political action committee and held improper elections. 
Linda Sanchez re-established her membership with the caucus at the beginning of the current Congress, but her sister did not rejoin.
    The May 19 primary will be the race’s deciding factor since the Democrat who emerges from the contest will be heavily favored to win the Los Angeles-area seat. 
    The preferences and turnout of the district’s ethnic communities are widely regarded as major deciding factors in the race. According to the 2000 census, 62 percent of district residents are Hispanic, 18 percent are Asian, and 15 percent are white.
    A total of 12 candidates have qualified to appear on the ballot. Candidates of all parties will appear on the same ballot and if no candidate receives a majority May 19 (an expected outcome, due to the number of 
candidates competing) the top vote-getter from each party will face off in a July 14 election.


5/6/09 The Orange County Register: “Van Tran launches campaign against Rep. Loretta Sanchez, GOP challenger was recruited by D.C. leaders in what may be one of 2010's hottest races,”
By Martin Wisckol
    Setting the stage for what is expected to be one of the nation’s hottest Congressional races of 2010, Assemblyman Van Tran announced today that he will challenge seven-term Democratic Rep. Loretta Sanchez.
    Tran had been recruited heavily by Washington GOP leaders, who consider central Orange County’s 47th Congressional District one of their best chances for gaining a seat next year.
    “Both sides will be pouring resources into this,” Tran said in anticipation of a heavily funded drive.
    Democrats have a 12.4 percentage point advantage in the central county district and Sanchez is popular there, winning by 44 percentage points in 2008, 25 percentage points in 2006, and 21 percentage points in 2004. And Barack Obama carried the district last year, but Arnold Schwarzenegger won there in 2006 and George W. Bush won there in 2004.
    Sanchez indicated she was ready to take on Tran.
    “I’ve always welcomed a spirited debate about the issues confronting our communities,” Sanchez said in an email responding to Tran’s announcement today. “I have always been an independent voice for the 
people of Orange County . I have consistently fought hard to make our communities safer, improve our schools, protect our seniors, create jobs, and lower the tax burden on the middle class.”
    Sanchez isn’t the only one trying to sound a non-partisan note.
    “Tran transcends Republican politics, and he will be able to reach out to independents and moderate Democrats,” said Rep. Kevin McCarthy, head
of recruitment for the National Republican Congressional Committee, in an interview with Politico.com. “This is one of the top people I’ve gone after since the very beginning.”
    Sen. John McCain, House Minority Leader John Boehner and Minority Whip Eric Cantor also encouraged Tran to run.
    The area has twice as many Latinos as Vietnamese Americans, but Vietnamese Americans turn out to vote in greater numbers - so much so that the two top vote getters in the county supervisor race there have been
Vietnamese Americans in the two most recent elections.
    The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee - Democrats’ counterpart to the NRCC and a likely source of major campaign funds - noted that Sanchez has been particularly attentive to that concerns of the Vietnamese community.
    “From Day One, Congresswoman Sanchez has worked hard to be an independent voice for her constituents in Orange County, even co-founding
the Congressional Caucus on Vietnam,” said Andrew Stone of the DCCC.  “Assemblymember Tran’s been office shopping for quite some time now. But given Congresswoman Sanchez’s strong record of serving her constituents, it’s clear she’ll be back next Congress.”
    Tran has long been a groundbreaker in Vietnamese American politics, and has openly dreamed of serving in Congress since he was an aide to Sanchez’s predecessor, Republican Bob Dornan. He was a Garden Grove councilman and then became first Vietnamese American elected to the state legislature, where he is now termed out.
    While McCarthy spoke of Tran as rising above partisan politics, several of the candidate's key positions have a distinctly GOP ring – including his 
opposition to the bank bailouts.
    “It’s a blank check the government has written on the backs of taxpayers,” he said. He similarly opposes the current approach to rescuing GM and Chrysler.
    “The level of government intervention is unprecedented to the point where the administration can force executives to resign,” he said. “That is not the role of government.”
    He also took a shot at Sanchez.
    “The district needs a real representative and not a rubber stamp for (House Speaker) Nancy Pelosi,” he said. “I know the area, I know the people and I believe I will do a better job representing the district.”

4/28/09 news10.net: “Vigil Held for Journalist Detained in North Korea,”
by Nicole Chavez
    Sacramento, CA - A vigil was held Tuesday night at Del Campo High School for detained journalist Laura Ling and her colleague Euna Lee.  Ling is a 1994 alumnus of the school.
    Ling and Lee are under arrest in North Korea facing charges including espionage after they were arrested while covering a story about North Korean refugees near the North Korean and China border. The journalists are reporters for San Francisco-based Current-TV.
    "I fear for her safety," said Stephanie Tomasegovich, a long-time friend of Ling's. "Are they feeding her? Are they hurting her?" she questioned.
    More than one hundred members of the community, friends and former teachers of Ling held candles and told stories of Ling's tenacity and passion for journalism. "I reflected on the years she spent on the newspaper staff, even then trying to tell the stories she felt needed to be told," said one of her former teachers.
    Vigil organizers said they had hoped the gathering would keep Ling and Lee's story front and center until the two are released. If convicted on the espionage charge, however, the women could face at least five years in prison.
    Laura Ling is the sister of TV personality and fellow Sacramento native Lisa Ling. Some of Ling's family members attended Tuesday's vigil. They said they couldn't go into detail regarding Ling's ordeal due to the sensitive nature of the case, but did want to express thanks for the community's support and prayers.

4/25/09 Associated Press: “New UC admissions policy angers Asian-Americans,”
by Terence Chea
    San Francisco (AP) — A new admissions policy set to take effect at the University of California system in three years is raising fears among Asian-Americans that it will reduce their numbers on campus, where they account for 40 percent of all undergraduates.
    University officials say the new standards — the biggest change in UC admissions since 1960 — are intended to widen the pool of high school applicants and make the process more fair.
    But Asian-American advocates, parents and lawmakers are angrily calling on the university to rescind the policy, which will apply at all nine of the system's undergraduate campuses.
    They point to a UC projection that the new standards would sharply reduce Asian-American admissions while resulting in little change for blacks and Hispanics, and a big gain for white students.
    "I like to call it affirmative action for whites," said Ling-chi Wang, a retired professor at UC Berkeley. "I think it's extremely unfair to Asian-Americans on the one hand and underrepresented minorities on the other."
    Asian-Americans are the single largest ethnic group among UC's 173,000 undergraduates. In 2008, they accounted for 40 percent at UCLA and 43 percent at UC Berkeley — the two most selective campuses in the UC system — as well as 50 percent at UC San Diego and 54 percent at UC Irvine.
    Asian-Americans are about 12 percent of California 's population and 4 percent of the U.S. population overall.
    The new policy, approved unanimously by the UC Board of Regents in February, will greatly expand the applicant pool, eliminate the requirement that applicants take two SAT subject tests and reduce the number of students guaranteed admission based on grades and test scores alone. It takes effect for the freshman class of fall 2012. "If there are Asian-Americans who are qualified and don't get into UC because they're trying to increase diversity, then I think that's unfair," said 16-year-old junior Jessica Peng. "I think that UC is lowering its standards by doing that."

4/21/09 Los Angeles Times: “Judy Chu raises most money in 32nd 
Congressional District seat battle,”
by Jean Merl
    The appointment of Democratic Rep. Hilda Solis as Labor secretary has
prompted 12 candidates to jump into a rare special election to replace her
in the San Gabriel Valley-based 32nd Congressional District.
    Most politics experts, however, see the May 19 primary race as essentially
a two-way contest between two seasoned, liberal Democrats: state Sen. Gil
Cedillo of Los Angeles and state Board of Equalization member and former 
Assemblywoman Judy Chu of Monterey Park .
    Already, Cedillo and Chu have far outdistanced the others -- six Democrats,
three Republicans and a Libertarian -- in fundraising and in backing from 
influential groups and prominent politicians.
    The race, with a Latino and an Asian American as front-runners, is a 
harbinger of future Los Angeles-area politics, with diminishing numbers of 
older white voters and members of growing minority groups competing for 
offices, said Jaime A. Regalado, director of the Edmund G. "Pat" Brown 
Institute of Public Affairs at Cal State L.A.
    "You are going to see Latinos and Asians and Pacific Islanders running 
against each other," said Regalado, who said it is not unusual to have so 
many candidates run for a rare open congressional seat.
    "It's a glamour race that is going to bring people out of the woodwork to 
run," Regalado said.
    And, because congressional offices are not subject to term limits, the 
seat is especially attractive to state elected officials tired of scrambling 
to find another post as they face being termed out of their jobs.
    Both Cedillo and Chu are "seasoned veterans with no place else to go," 
Regalado added, "and that's what makes the stakes so very high."
    Voters will find all 12 candidates on their ballot, regardless of party 
affiliation. Such a large field makes it unlikely that any single candidate can
garner the majority needed to win the race outright. In that case, the top 
finishers in each party will meet in a July 14 runoff.
    In the largely blue-collar district, Latinos account for more than 60% of 
the population and 48% of registered voters, while Asian Americans make
up 19% of the district's population and 13% of its voter roll.
    Democrats hold a 52% to 23% registration edge over Republicans, 
prompting the California Target Book, which tracks political races in the 
state, to label the seat "safe Democratic."
    Even before the filing period closed earlier this month, the race showed
signs of some sharp elbows.
    Judy Chu supporters suspect that Republican Betty Tom Chu, a Monterey 
Park councilwoman and a political opponent of Judy Chu, entered the race 
to confuse voters and harm the chances of her distant relative by marriage. 
Tom Chu said last week she did not have time to discuss her candidacy, 
but earlier told the San Gabriel Valley Tribune that she is running because 
she could not support any of the other candidates and wanted to offer voters
an alternative.
    Apparently motivated by concerns that the large number of Latino 
candidates in the race would split the vote in that group and give Judy Chu
the edge, there also were signs of jockeying.
    Democratic candidate Francisco Alonso, a former mayor of Monterey 
Park , and a campaign official for Democratic actor/filmmaker Stefan 
"Contreras" Lysenko each said Cedillo called them shortly before filing 
closed and urged them to drop out. A Cedillo spokesman said the state 
senator was merely inviting the others to "work together" with him and did
not intend to discourage them from running.
    A campaign consultant for Democrat Emanuel Pleitez, who was a 
member of the Treasury Department presidential transition team, said 
Latino leaders whom he did not name urged him not to make the run this 
time, saying the 26-year-old financial analyst had not yet "paid his dues."
    Making his first run for elected office, Pleitez has gathered a group of 
young staff members and volunteers and reported last week to the Federal 
Election Commission that he had raised nearly $153,000 for the race by 
March 31.
    That amount put him third behind Chu , who reported collecting just over
$770,000, and Cedillo, who raised $568,000.
    A Republican in the race, South El Monte restaurant owner Teresa 
Hernandez, who said she had been campaigning nearly full time for weeks,
reported raising about $71,000. No other candidates had filed with the FEC
by last week's reporting deadline.
    Cedillo, who will be termed out of his Senate seat next year, was a labor
leader before being elected to the state Assembly, where he served two 
terms. He gained perhaps his highest public visibility through his legislative
efforts to allow illegal immigrants to obtain driver's licenses. His many 
endorsers include Los Angeles Police Chief William J. Bratton, county 
Sheriff Lee Baca, county Supervisor Gloria Molina, eight of the 15 Los 
Angeles City Council members, several members of Congress, several of 
his colleagues in the Legislature and the Los Angeles County Young 
Democrats.
    Chu , who left her Assembly seat to win election to the Board of 
Equalization in 2006, also has strong ties to labor and scored the backing
of the politically powerful Los Angeles County Federation of Labor and the
California Teachers Assn. On Saturday, she won unanimous backing from
the state Democratic Party.

3/18/09 AFP: “Asian-Americans urge Obama to reform immigration,”
    Washington (AFP) — Asian-American members of the US 
Congress on Tuesday urged President Barack Obama to reform 
immigration by year end, saying the current system was tearing families
in their community apart.
    Mike Honda, chair of the Congressional Asian Pacific American 
Caucus, wrote Obama a letter saying that immigration reform "must 
remain an early priority in your administration."
    "Immigration raids tear families apart, dreams of undocumented 
students are suspended indefinitely and growing immigration backlogs 
keep close family members separated for years, sometimes decades,"
Honda wrote.
    Honda, a member of Obama's Democratic Party, said some two 
million Asians hoping to be reunited with families were languishing in 
the immigration service's backlog, account for half of such cases.
    He said Asian-Americans -- who account for some five percent of 
the US population -- were also concerned about the Department of 
Homeland Security's past treatment of detainees and lack of due 
process.
    During his campaign, Obama called for a more efficient 
immigration system, saying families were suffering from lengthy 
background checks for applicants, and said illegal residents should
have a conditional path to citizenship.
    Obama also criticized raids on immigration communities as 
ineffective, while pledging to security on US borders.
    But Obama's predecessor George W. Bush twice tried and failed 
to pass sweeping immigration reform that would have given legal 
status and a path to citizenship for the estimated 12 million illegal 
immigrants in the country.
    Some members of Bush's Republican Party argued that 
immigrants were taking jobs at a time that the economy is in crisis.
    Hispanic leaders have also appealed to Obama to act on 
immigration, urging him to call a moratorium on immigration raids
and deportations.


3/16/09 MSNBC; Local News Delaware Valley , PA /NJ PhillyBurbs.com: 
“Asian-Americans fearful after rash of crimes,”
    Levittown - The killing of Robert Chae in his Montgomery Township
home was one of three murders of Asian-American businessmen 
since November and part of a spree of 14 attacks in the Philadelphia  
region.
    The modus operandi was always the same: Criminals staked out 
a business, sometimes calling to ask for closing times, then trailed the
owners home. After parking their cars, the victims were confronted at
gunpoint, forced inside and robbed of jewelry, cash, and other valuables.
    The scenario was repeated at least 14 times in recent months, 
including three times in a single day. The victim was always an Asian 
or Asian-American.
    The home invasion spree, along with three recent murders of Asian-
Americans over the past few months, have left residents and community
leaders here shaken. Police say the victims were targeted by criminals
who believed they would be easy marks because of their ethnicity.
    "The bad guys that we've talked to ... are pretty much assuming that
Asian business people deal in cash and not banks, that Asian business
people are docile and won't fight back, and they keep their money at 
home or in their business," state police Capt. David Young said.
    Asian-American leaders dispute the stereotype, but Young said even
the perception on the part of criminals would make members of the 
community a target. And although Philadelphia crime statistics show a
slight decrease in robberies of people of Asian descent, authorities
believe many crimes may go unreported if victims are reluctant to come
forward, for example fearing trouble over their immigration status.
    "One of our fears is that the Asian community is being victimized way
more than we're being told about," Young said.
    Local and state police, with the aid of federal authorities, have made
arrests in all but one of the home invasion cases. The crime wave came
amid the murders of three Asian-Americans, two of them also by home
invasion.
    On Nov. 10, a man broke into a Delaware County home, tied up a 
man and wife and beat them with a hammer and a chisel. Hoa Pham, 
60, a former lieutenant in the South Vietnamese army, was killed. His 
wife was assaulted but managed to escape.
    On Jan. 9 in Montgomery Township , Robert Chae and his wife were
ambushed in their driveway as they prepared to leave for their beauty 
supply business in downtown Philadelphia . Chae, 58, suffocated after 
he was bound with duct tape. Officials originally thought it might be part
of the spree, but later arrested seven people, including a nephew of the
victim.
    And on Feb. 27, Joseph Chang Ha, 67, a retired pastor, died after 
he was shot in the chest and stomach outside his laundry in North 
Philadelphia .
    "Last year I cannot remember any Korean American murder cases, 
and now it's two in two months," said attorney Young K. Park, president
of the Korean American Association of Greater Philadelphia. "So I'm
afraid, due to economic conditions, maybe that's creating more crimes,
so we are concerned."
    Police and community groups have been holding briefings to warn
Asian-Americans about the crimes and offer advice on staying safe.
Two meetings have been held in the Philadelphia suburbs and more 
are planned.
    "People want to know how to protect themselves; people want to 
know if they own a gun and use it, what will be the consequence ... 
people want to know what they should tell their children to keep them
safe," said Djung Tran of the Asian Pacific American Bar Association
of Pennsylvania, who attended a recent meeting.
    While Tran is wary of reinforcing stereotypes about Asian-Americans
that might make them targets, she said her organization is doing a 
survey to find out whether business owners may be handling their 
money in insecure ways.
    "Is it that there are no banks nearby, the times not convenient, or 
distrust of the financial industry - are they doing things that are making
them more vulnerable?" she said.
    Justin Lee of the Korean American Crime Prevention Committee 
strongly disputes the idea that Asian-Americans are less likely to use
banks. He said the city has seven or eight banks serving the local 
Korean community, which numbers less than 30,000.
    "If Americans have cash, Koreans have cash; if they don't, we don't,"
said Lee, sitting in his North Philadelphia restaurant a few blocks from
the scene of the latest murder.
    Lee, former head of the 700-member Korean American Grocers 
Association of Pennsylvania, talks of trying to foster better relations 
among different groups as a long-term way of stemming crime.
    But stepping to the door of his restaurant to give directions to the 
murder scene, he pulls a key to demonstrate a more immediate 
safety tip - lock the shop if there are only employees and no customers
inside. He also advised association members in a yearly security 
memo to avoid opening or closing their shops by themselves, keep 
the interior bright so it can be seen from outside and get emergency 
alert and closed-circuit television systems.
    At the community meetings, police have also told anyone who 
handles cash at these businesses to follow a few simple rules: Avoid 
parking cars in dark areas, have car keys out when you leave at night,
and have a cell phone at the ready to dial 911. If someone feels they 
are being followed, police say they should file a stalking complaint.
    "People don't have to wait until they are robbed," Young said.
    Police also have pleaded for any other victims to come forward, 
saying they aren't immigration officials.
    "We're here to find out what happened and what we can do to 
prevent this from happening again and get the bad guys off the street,"
Young said.
    In 2007, the Delaware County District Attorney's office announced 
formation of a Korean American Advisory Committee, noting concerns
that "due to language and cultural barriers ... criminal conduct goes 
unreported." Spokesman Michael Mattson said the outreach effort 
had been expanded to other Asian communities in light of the recent
crimes.
    According to a census survey, about 78,400 people of Asian 
descent live in Philadelphia , a city of about 1.4 million. Police statistics
indicate that 635 of the city's reported 9,907 robbery victims in 2008
were of Asian descent, compared to 686 out of 10,535 in 2007.
    Six people have been held for trial in Chae's murder, and 
authorities in Delaware County are seeking the death penalty in 
Pham's death. And four of the eight people arrested in the home 
invasion spree, charged earlier in state court, have been charged in
federal court with interfering with interstate commerce, attempted 
carjacking and other counts.
    Lt. John Walker of the Southwest Detectives division of
Philadelphia police said federal authorities agreed to prosecute the 
home invasion cases to send a strong message.
    "People when they get home, that's their sanctity, that's their 
safety," he said. "These kids have shattered that feeling of safety in 
this community and it's not going to be tolerated."

3/14/09 The Chronicle of Higher Education: "Asian-American 
Lawmakers Pressure U. of California Over New Admissions
Policy"     
by Peter Schmidt
    Two panels of the California Legislature that deal with Asian-
American issues plan to jointly hold a hearing next week to 
scrutinize a new University of California undergraduate admissions
policy that could lower Asian-American enrollments.
    The State Senate's select committee on Asian and Pacific 
Islander affairs and the state's 11-member Joint Asian Pacific 
Islander Legislative Caucus plan to hear testimony from Asian-
American activists, a member of the university Academic Senate
who helped develop the policy, and a legislative analyst who 
examined the policy's impact, Andrew T. Medina, a consultant on
the caucus's staff, said on Monday.
    The university system's own analysis of the likely impact of the 
new admissions policy, adopted last month, had projected that it 
would cause a decline in the share of admitted students who are 
Asian American or Pacific Islander, with white students accounting
for most of those who take their place.
    University officials had argued, however, that such projections of
the policy's impact on various racial and ethnic groups should not
be given much weight because the system's estimates were based
on outdated student data, from 2007, and did not take into account
expected changes in student behavior or the uncertainty of the
admissions process.
    Speaking last month at the Education Writers Association 
conference in San Francisco , Mark G. Yudof, the university's 
president, called the new admissions policy "fair" and said, "I think
Asian Americans will do well. That is my prediction."
    Such statements have done little to reassure Asian American
members of the State Legislature, who had responded to the
concerns of many of their constituents by urging the system's Board
of Regents to postpone its February 4 vote on the policy change to
allow more time to study its likely impact on minority groups. In a
letter sent to the board the day before its vote, the leaders of the
Joint Asian Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus accused the system
of doing nothing to solicit feedback on the policy from the caucus or
the ethnic groups that it represents, and said the policy "has not
received the proper vetting it deserves"
    In a recent interview, State Assemblyman Ted Lieu, a Democrat 
who serves as co-chairman of the caucus, said the Asian-American
community "feels it was blindsided by this decision." He said he
objects to the policy change partly because the university's analysis
of its impact had lumped all Asian-American populations together
into what he called "one monolithic block," thus failing to tease out
how specific ethnic groups would be affected. He also complained
that the policy change will do little to diversify the university's
enrollments or to tackle the inequities in elementary and secondary
education that have left the university's campuses with enrollments
that do not reflect the racial and ethnic composition of the state.
    Mr. Lieu acknowledged that, under his state's Constitution, the
Legislature has little direct say over the University of California 's 
policies, which are set by the Board of Regents. But, he said, 
"Lawmakers do determine how much financial support the university
receives in the state budget, and now "you have 11 upset legislators 
looking at this."

3/10/09 Reuters: “Madoff judge known as soft-spoken yet tough,”
by Martha Graybow
    New York (Reuters) - The Bernard Madoff scandal is one of the 
biggest cases ever to land in Judge Denny Chin's courtroom. But the
15-year veteran of the federal bench is no stranger to high-profile legal
disputes.
    Chin, born in Hong Kong and the first Asian-American federal judge 
outside of California and Hawaii , was assigned to oversee the Madoff 
criminal case last week after the accused swindler signaled he planned 
to plead guilty.
    Madoff appeared for the first time before the judge Tuesday on a 
potential conflict involving his lawyer and is expected to plead guilty on 
Thursday before a crowd of his angry former investors -- three months 
after he was charged with running a $50 billion investment ponzi scheme.
    Madoff is expected to admit his guilt to 11 criminal charges that could
put him in jail for the rest of his life.
    Judge Chin is known in the legal community as even-tempered, fair, 
witty and unafraid to make tough decisions. He was just 39 when tapped
by former President Bill Clinton in 1994 for a judgeship in Manhattan  
federal court -- one of the busiest U.S. courthouses with cases ranging 
from terrorism trials to celebrity disputes to white-collar crime.
    His cases have included a controversial 2006 ruling that nixed a state
law toughening New York 's ability to track sexual offenders.
    Two years ago, he took the rare step of throwing out a jury's conviction
of a former New York Stock Exchange floor trader accused of improperly 
trading ahead of customer orders, saying that prosecutors did not prove 
their fraud accusations.
    "His soft-spoken, calm demeanor shouldn't be underestimated," said 
Randy Mastro, a partner at law firm Gibson Dunn & Crutcher LLP in 
New York and former deputy mayor under Rudy Giuliani. Mastro worked 
with Chin at the U.S. Attorney's Office in Manhattan in the 1980s.
    "He will do the right thing. He is not a person who shies away from 
deciding a tough case or controversy."
    Last month, Judge Chin sentenced the man who led a prostitution ring
whose clients included former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer to 30 months 
in prison. Other cases that he presided over include a 2002 lawsuit 
against Penthouse magazine for running pictures of a topless sunbather 
misidentified as tennis star Anna Kournikova. The case later settled out 
of court.
    FRENZY OVER MADOFF
    Madoff, a veteran money manager, has become one of the most 
reviled people in the United States for allegedly stealing from clients 
including the elderly and charities.
    His prior court appearances have attracted throngs of reporters and 
photographers. The former Nasdaq chairman, under house arrest in his
penthouse apartment and around-the-clock security, has arrived at court
in a bulletproof vest.
    Madoff will get a fair hearing in Chin's courtroom, the judge's former
colleagues say.
    "I think he will be measured, and I think he'll listen and I think he'll do 
what he thinks is right," said Anne Vladeck, a partner at law firm Vladeck
Waldman Elias & Engelhard, where Chin worked before taking the bench.
    He "is fair and equal to whomever is before him, whether it is somebody
who is blue collar, an immigrant or a CEO," Vladeck said.
    The Madoff case is the latest big financial fraud case in a courthouse 
where well-known defendants like Martha Stewart, Bernard Ebbers and 
Michael Milken were prosecuted.
    If Madoff pleads guilty, there would be no trial. Instead, the judge would
decide on punishment and other matters such as potential victims' 
restitution in the coming weeks or months.
    While federal judges have leeway over sentencing, anything other than
life in prison for the 70-year-old Madoff would be surprising given the size
of the alleged fraud, experts say.
    "Regardless of what judge he did draw, his fate is pretty much sealed," 
said Evan Stewart, a partner at law firm Zuckerman Spaeder LLP in
New York .
    FROM CHINA TO NEW YORK
    Chin came to the United States with his parents at the age of two. 
His mother worked as a seamstress in the garment factories of New York 's
Chinatown , a stone's throw from the federal courthouse where he now
works, while his father was a cook in Chinese restaurants.
    Chin was a star student at the city's prestigious Stuyvesant High School
before attending Princeton University and then Fordham Law School .
    Chin clerked for a federal judge and then spent two years at law firm 
Davis Polk & Wardwell. In 1982, he became a lawyer in the civil division 
of the U.S. Attorney's Office in Manhattan , before returning to private 
practice in 1986.
    He is married to a lawyer and has been active in the Asian-American 
Bar Association of New York and organizations including Hartley House,
a community group in the Hell's Kitchen neighborhood of Manhattan where
he grew up.
    Mastro, Chin's former colleague at the U.S. Attorney's Office, said the 
judge is one of the most honorable people he has worked with and that 
he gives everyone a fair hearing.
    A few years ago, Mastro argued a case before the judge. "I got a warm
reception and a full opportunity to make my case, and then he denied my
motion," Mastro said. "No matter how long you've known him, you're going
to get a fair shake in his courtroom and he's going to decide the case on 
the merits."


3/5/09 The Dartmouth: “E-mail on Kim stirs controversy,”
by Emily Goodell, Emma Fidel and Nathan Swire
    An e-mail that referred to College President-elect Jim Yong Kim as a 
“Chinaman” and warned the campus to prepare for “Asianification” has 
sparked controversy on campus, less than three days after the announcement 
that the Harvard professor and global health leader would be inaugurated as 
the College’s 17th president. The e-mail, which was sent to approximately 
1,000 students and alumni, was the Tuesday morning edition of the Generic 
Good Morning Message, a student written and edited tongue-in-cheek 
compilation of each day’s news.
    College President James Wright released a statement on the matter late 
Wednesday night.
    “The announcement of Dr. Jim Yong Kim’s election as the 17th president 
has been received enthusiastically across the campus and by all members 
of the Dartmouth community,” Wright said. “It is unfortunate that an offensive 
attempt at humor has distracted us and has caused hurt and embarrassment. 
This does not represent the mood that we share and it will not deter us from 
our plans warmly to welcome Dr. Kim and his family to this open and 
gracious community.”
    The Tuesday morning e-mail led with a feature written by anonymous 
GGMM intern “Lozar Theofilactidis.”
    “On July 1, yet another hard-working American’s job will be taken by an 
immigrant willing to work in substandard conditions at near-subsistent wage,
saving half his money and sending the rest home to his village in the form of 
traveler’s checks,” the message states, in part. “Unless ‘Jim Yong Kim’ 
means ‘I love Freedom’ in Chinese, I don’t want anything to do with him.
Dartmouth is America , not Panda Garden Rice Village Restaurant.”
    The GGMM, which began in 1996, is currently edited by a group of six
Dartmouth upperclassmen. Underclassmen interns contribute to the 
publication.
    The author of the original e-mail apologized for “inappropriate” and 
“insensitive” comments in an e-mail to the GGMM listserv on Tuesday, 
saying that the comments were intended to be satirical. The GGMM staff 
also offered a follow-up apology, saying they regretted their lack of 
oversight.
    “We cannot stress enough the intention behind this message was not 
malicious,” Courtney Davis ‘09, a member of the GGMM staff, said in an 
e-mail to the listserv. “The writer is full of regret; did not intend to offend 
anyone, and has committed to meeting with others, from diverse 
backgrounds, to learn as many lessons as possible from this experience.
Although the GGMM is a listserv administered by six students and is not 
affiliated with the College in any way, we recognize the impact that this 
unfortunate incident has had on the community.”
    Many students were upset by the e-mail both because of its perceived
offensiveness and because they believed it reflected badly on the College, 
Aimee Moon ‘09, an intern with the Pan-Asian Council, said. Moon is a 
member of The Dartmouth staff.
    “We went from a really excited, hopeful mood on Monday to having all the
excitement get deflated by something that doesn’t reflect the campus’ 
reception of the President-elect,” Moon said.
    Students and administrators met on Tuesday and Wednesday nights 
to discuss the situation and the appropriate response.
    College President James Wright spoke with students on Tuesday and 
is open to future meetings to discuss the situation, according to Sylvia 
Spears, director of the Office of Pluralism and Leadership and acting 
senior associate dean of the College.
    The nature of the speech in the e-mail does not warrant College 
disciplinary action, Spears said in an open campus meeting on 
Wednesday evening, noting that Dartmouth does not have a speech code.
    Ray Leung ‘10, who attended the meeting, expressed frustration that 
some people on campus saw the e-mail as a joke.
    “This is a very severe issue,” he said. “This should not be taken lightly 
as ‘borderline inappropriate.’”
    Spears said that the e-mail has provided a “teachable moment” for 
students.
    “I have been very impressed with students’ ability to engage in very 
difficult conversations with poise and respect for each other,” she said.
    She added that Kim has responded to the e-mail with concern about 
its potential effect on campus.
    “He had a very reasoned response and has been in conversation with 
President [James] Wright,” she said.
    Students interviewed by The Dartmouth had overwhelmingly positive 
comments about Kim’s appointment. College Democrats president David
Imamura ‘10 said he had been warned before he matriculated that the 
College was less diverse and more conservative than others, but that 
Kim’s selection shows that Dartmouth values diversity.
    “Choosing Dr. Kim really sends a message that Dartmouth leads the
way in diversity and in making sure that everyone has the opportunity 
to make what they can of themselves,” he said.
    Students and faculty have praised Kim’s appointment as Dartmouth’s
next president. Many said they hoped Kim would bring a fresh perspective
to the College.
    Student Body President Molly Bode ‘09, who served as the student 
representative on the presidential search committee, said she could not 
be more pleased with the choice.
    “He is as impressive, or even more impressive, in person as he is on
paper,” Bode said. “I have never met someone who is so inspirational.”
    Kim’s appointment will “put Dartmouth on the map” in the global health
world, biology department chair Tom Jack said.
    “There’s been a great surge of interest in global health, and Dartmouth
hasn’t had a lot to offer in that area,” he said. “With the hiring [of Kim], that
changes pretty dramatically. Students with an interest in global health will
want to come to Dartmouth now — undergraduate students, graduate 
students and faculty. He’ll be a magnet to attract faculty in that area.”
    Many students said they believed Kim’s selection could help change 
the typical image of an Ivy League leader.
    “I have never been more proud to be a Dartmouth student,” Alex 
Maceda ‘11 said. “It feels great to be an Asian-American at Dartmouth.”
    Kim’s race should not be the sole focus of the community’s excitement
and expectations, Nora Yasumura, acting assistant director of the Office 
of Pluralism and Leadership and adviser to Asian and Asian-American 
students, said.
    “It really isn’t because he is a person of color that he’ll be a great 
president,” she said. “Most important are the skills and insight he will 
bring to campus.”
    Many faculty members praised Kim’s experience as a professor and 
researcher.
    “I think [Kim’s appointment] shows understanding and appreciation of
the roles the graduate schools and especially the medical school play in
the life of Dartmouth,” Dartmouth Medical School senior associate dean
for academic affairs William Hickey said.
    The Board of Trustees took a “brave step” in selecting Kim because 
he is a doctor and a leader in a specific field, Hickey said.
    “I don’t see a downside to it,” he said. “I understand that he is a 
thoughtful leader. He has a lot of presence not only in the medical field, 
but in the academic world.”
    Dartmouth Asian Organization President David Louie ‘09 said he was
somewhat concerned about Kim’s relative lack of experience with 
undergraduate institutions, but he said Kim’s speech on Monday 
reassured him that the president-elect would remain dedicated to 
Dartmouth’s traditional emphasis on undergraduate education.
    “He’s got the unique ability to take both the undergraduate and 
graduate [schools] to a higher level and really get all the parts of 
Dartmouth to coalesce and work together,” Thayer School of Engineering
Dean Joseph Helble, a presidential search committee member, said.
    Dean of Faculty Carol Folt also expressed enthusiasm about Kim’s
relationship with the faculty.
    “He has an extremely strong faculty background,” Folt said. “I think 
they’re going to look at him as a person that really understands the 
aspirations they have for global involvement. He is very actively involved 
in some of the biggest issues of our times.”
    Kim has a receptive, relatable personality that makes him a great 
choice for president, several faculty members said.
    “I think he’s lots of things we were looking for,” economics professor
Jonathan Skinner, a search committee member, said. “[He has] 
leadership skills, charisma, a sense of moral purpose, excitement. 
We couldn’t be happier.”
    Some members of the Class of 2009 said they were aware of Kim’s
background even before the announcement of his appointment because
they were required to read “ Mountains Beyond Mountains ” by Tracy 
Kidder the summer before matriculation. The book is about Paul Farmer,
now a professor at Harvard Medical School , and his work at Partners in
Health, a global health organization he co-founded with Kim.
    “I was inspired by Partners in Health after reading Mountains Beyond
Mountains ,” Sam Kennedy ‘09, an intern in Wright’s office, said. 
“Although I am not interested in the medical field, it actually inspired me 
to possibly go into education in developing countries.”
    Others see Kim’s selection as a positive opportunity to introduce a 
fresh perspective to the College.
    “He can change some of the atmosphere on campus because he’s 
not really tied to this scene,” Uthman Olagoke ‘11 said. “New ideas, 
new outlook.”
    Jack said that Kim’s background distinguishes him from previous 
Dartmouth presidents and other leaders in the Ivy League, many of 
whom first after spent their careers serving as deans, provosts and 
presidents of other institutions.
    “President Kim doesn’t have the typical CV that you see,” Jack said. 
“He has not been a dean or provost, so he brings different set of 
experiences.”
    Staff writers Josh Roselman and Greg Berger contributed to the 
reporting of this article.

3/4/09 Asian Week: “Another Asian American to Join Obama’s Cabinet,” 
by Lian Qiu
    Former Washington Gov. Gary Locke has been named as President 
Barack Obama’s third nominee for commerce secretary. Locke if 
confirmed by the U.S. Senate, will be the third Asian American to join the
cabinet, after Eric Shinseki, Secretary of Veteran Affairs and Stephen 
Chu, Secretary of Energy.
    “Gary will be a trusted voice in my Cabinet, a tireless advocate for our
economic competitiveness and an influential ambassador for American
industry who will help us do everything we can, especially now, to promote
our industry around the world,” said Obama.
    Locke, a third-generation Chinese American, became the country’s first
Chinese-American governor, elected to lead Washington in 1996 and 
re-elected in 2000.
    As the popular governor of the nation’s most trade-dependable state,
Locke broke down trade barriers around the world to advance American 
products. To open doors for the state businesses, he led 10 productive 
missions to Asia, Mexico and Europe, significantly expanding the sales of
Washington products and services. He successfully fostered economic 
relations between China and Washington State . His visits are credited 
with introducing Washington companies to China and helping more than 
double the state’s exports to China to over $5 billion per year. He also 
opened a Washington State trade office in Germany to advance trade 
relations with European countries.
    “Working with the professionals at the Department of Commerce, I’m
committed to making the department an active and integral partner in 
advancing [Obama’s] economic policies and restoring the American 
dream to all Americans,” Locke said.
    “Our nation’s economic success is tied directly to America continuing
to lead in technology and innovation and in exporting those products, 
services and ideas to markets around the globe,” Locke added. “The 
Department of Commerce can and will help create jobs and the economic
vitality our country needs.
    Locke is widely praised in Washington State for winning a nationwide
competition to win production of Boeing’s newest jetliner, the 787, which
created thousands of jobs in the state.
    For the past four years, Locke has been a successful business advocate
and adviser, helping U.S. companies break into international markets, 
particularly in Asia , and expand their international business. A partner in 
the Seattle office of the international law firm of Davis Wright Tremaine LLP, 
Locke co-chairs the firm’s China practice and is active in its governmental 
relations practice.
    Hard work, intense focus and devotion to details, carried Locke, the 
son of Chinese immigrant restaurant owners to his nomination as secretary
of commerce.
    For the first five years in the U.S. , his family lived in the Yesler Terrace 
low-income project on a hilltop overlooking the Chinatown-International 
District and downtown Seattle . His parents owned a restaurant in Pike 
Place Market and later a small grocery store.
    Supported by scholarships and loans, Locke got his political science 
degree at Yale University , weighed careers in forestry, teaching and urban
planning, earned a law degree from Boston University , returned home and 
worked for five years as a King County deputy prosecutor.
    “ Gary knows the American dream. He’s lived it. And that’s why he 
shares my commitment to do whatever it takes to keep it alive in our time,”
said Obama.
    Increasingly active in politics, Locke eventually became a staff attorney 
for the state Senate in 1981 and the next year won election to the House 
of Representatives, ousting Peggie Maxie, a veteran incumbent and 
fellow Democrat. By his third term he was chairman of the budget-writing
House Appropriations Committee, funneling money into education and 
other pet programs. He left that post after being elected King County  
executive in 1993.
    “Communities from coast to coast are uplifted by the potential 
appointment of Governor Locke, especially in light of his track record 
in government and leadership,” said New York City Council Member 
John C. Liu. “We welcome his return to public service as someone who
has been a trailblazer, role model and respected leader.”
    

3/3/09 The Dartmouth: “Kim took ‘unusual path’ to College,”
by Fan Zhang
    Dartmouth ’s President-elect Jim Yong Kim has a strong background in 
global health care and social medicine.
    As an immigrant from South Korea and a global health advocate, Jim 
Yong Kim has taken an “unusual path” to the Dartmouth presidency, 
Dartmouth Board of Trustees Chairman Ed Haldeman ‘70 said in an 
interview with The Dartmouth.
    GROWING UP
    At the announcement of his presidency on Monday, Kim began his 
address by thanking his parents, citing them as a major influence in his life. 
His father, Nhak Hee Kim, taught at a dentistry school in Seoul and his 
mother, Oaksook Kim, was a professor at the largest women’s university 
in Korea , Kim said in an interview with The Dartmouth. Although his older 
brother was born in the United States , Kim and his younger sister, Heidi, 
were born in South Korea .
    “We were doing okay, but we came here because they felt the political 
situation in Korea was unstable, and they felt that the greatest opportunity
for us as kids to reach our potential [was in the United States ],” Kim said
in the interview.
    The family moved to Dallas , Texas , when Kim was five years old and 
relocated to Muscatine , Iowa , where Kim grew up, after Kim finished first
grade. His father taught at the University of Iowa , where his mother received
her doctorate in philosophy.
    Kim said his family was among only two Asian American families living 
in Muscatine and that there were few other Asian families in the state.
    Despite his “very American upbringing,” during which he completely 
forgot the Korean language, Kim said he was often aware of his cultural 
differences. Peers would approach Kim in the mall and make fake karate
moves, and on the basketball court, other athletes would spit on him, 
Kim told Brown University Alumni Magazine in 2006.
    EDUCATION
    As a student at Muscatine High School , Kim was involved in several 
extracurricular activities and did well academically. Head of Student 
Services Keith Pogemiller, who came to the school a few months after 
Kim graduated, said he knew of Kim because teachers continued to 
praise him even by the time Pogemiller arrived. Pogemiller said the 
teachers described Kim as intelligent and outgoing, noting that Kim was 
one of the high school’s valedictorians in 1978 and played basketball 
and football.
    Kim began his college career at the University of Iowa after receiving
an engineering scholarship. The summer before he started college, Kim
attended a science program, where peers encouraged him to apply to 
an Ivy League institution, he told Brown Alumni Magazine. Kim transferred
to Brown University his sophomore year.
    Only a few students from Muscatine High School choose to attend 
eastern colleges, Pogemiller said. Currently, approximately one-third of
each class from the high school attends a junior or community college, 
and another 35 to 40 percent attend a four-year university, he said.
    Kim, who initially wanted to study political science and philosophy, 
informed his father about his intended concentrations when he returned 
to Iowa after his sophomore year at Brown. Kim said his father told him 
during the car ride home from the airport that as a Korean American, 
Kim could do whatever he wanted, but he needed to “have a skill no 
one can away.” Kim subsequently declared a major in human biology.
    Kim enrolled in Harvard Medical School immediately following his 
graduation from Brown in 1962, but took time off after his father 
passed away. During medical school, Kim completed a pre-doctoral 
fellowship in clinically relevant medical anthropology and graduated in
1991. Kim also pursued a Ph.D in anthropology, which he earned in 1993.
    RESEARCH AND TEACHING
    In his second year of medical school, Kim met Paul Farmer, who later
would also become a member of the Harvard Medical School faculty. 
The two completed their medical residencies and fellowships at Brigham
and Women’s Hospital together. They also co-founded Partners in Health,
which provides medical treatment to poor communities across the globe.
    This project became the subject of the book “ Mountains Beyond  
Mountains” by Tracy Kidder. The book was assigned reading prior to 
matriculation for the Class of 2009.
    In fall 2008, Kim taught a global health course with Farmer at Harvard
for undergraduate students. The class was designed “to create the great 
leaders of tomorrow for global health,” Kim said, describing the course 
as “the greatest educational experience of his life.”
    “As Jim’s closest friend and colleague for 25 years, I can only say that
I think Dartmouth is lucky to have him,” Farmer said in a College press 
release.
    Kim’s appointment was an exciting and bold move, Gary Gottlieb, 
a psychiatry professor and president of Brigham and Women’s Hospital,
said in an interview. Gottlieb, whose daughter is a member of Dartmouth ’s
Class of 2010, praised Kim and Partners in Health for providing the 
hospital’s residents and students with opportunities to work in places like
Russia and Haiti .
    FAMILY
    Kim’s wife, Younsook Lim, is a pediatrician at Children’s Hospital 
Boston and previously worked for many years at Brookside Community
Health Center , also in Boston . Although she has yet to decide if she will 
practice in Hanover , the Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical 
Practice fits her interests well, Kim said.
    The couple has two children — Thomas, who is eight, and another son
born on Feb. 27. Kim said, jokingly, that he hopes his children will not 
disturb his neighbors on Webster Avenue .
    “One of the things we are worried about is that our children don’t get
spoiled by all the attention they are going to receive from students,” Kim
said.
    Kim said he looks forward to living on Webster Avenue , since his duties
as president include interacting with students. Kim said College President
James Wright told him that the fraternities and sororities are good 
neighbors, and Kim said he hopes to be welcome amongst students at 
the dining halls, athletic practices and other social events, he said.
    Kim also asked community members to be patient with him as he 
becomes more familiar with Dartmouth culture.
    “I don’t know the Salty Dog Rag yet, so let that be a symbol,” he said. 
“I will have to be taught the Salty Dog Rag, and I will have to be taught a lot
about the culture of Dartmouth . But heck, I’m an anthropologist. That’s 
what I do for a living.”

3/3/09 Inside Higher Ed: “ Dartmouth 's Historic Choice,”
by Scott Jaschik
    On Saturday at a meeting sponsored by the Education Writers 
Association, L. Ling-chi Wang told a group of journalists that Asian 
Americans were "marginalized" and "invisible" at the top rungs of 
American higher education, despite considerable success as students 
and professors at many institutions. Wang, who teaches at the University
of California at Berkeley and was one of the founders of Asian Americans
in Higher Education, recalled a joint conference planned by Asian 
American studies and black studies scholars at Berkeley . The latter group
planned to invite all the black presidents of colleges in the country, and so
proposed to Wang that he provide a list of all the Asian American 
presidents so they could be invited as well.
    "What list? I can count them on my hand," he recalled saying at the time.
    The list just got longer. Dartmouth College on Monday named Jim Yong 
Kim as its next president. Kim is chair of the Department of Global Health 
and Social Medicine at Harvard University , previously led the World Health
Organization's HIV/AIDS program, holds degrees in anthropology and 
medicine, and has won numerous honors, including the MacArthur 
"genius" fellowship. 
    Kim, 49, has mixed a career in academe with one in public health and 
world development, winning praise in both. And in a sign of multi-tasking 
abilities, he accepted the Dartmouth presidency three days after he and 
his wife (a physician) welcomed their second son into the world.
    In terms of higher education history, however, Kim may attract much 
attention because he was born in Korea and came to the United States at
the age of 5. Kim will become the first Asian American to lead an Ivy 
League institution. While Wang could no longer count Asian American 
presidents on one hand, their numbers remain small. According to data 
from the American Council on Education, Asian Americans make up 
0.9 percent of college presidents (by comparison, 5.9 percent of 
presidents are black and 4.6 percent are Latino). 
    And only 1.9 percent of provosts are Asian American, along with 2.8 
percent of deans -- even as many elite colleges have large percentages 
of Asian American students. (At Dartmouth , 14 percent of the most recent
class to enroll is Asian American.)
    Among the elite colleges and universities, Wang noted that only 
Berkeley has been led by an Asian American. Chang-Lin Tien, who died
in 2002, was chancellor from 1990-97. Wang said in an interview Monday
that he was "elated" about Kim's appointment, and said that it was key for 
administrators and boards to see an institution like Dartmouth make such
a choice. "This is an incredibly important appointment," Wang said.
    In an interview Monday morning, while en route to Hanover, N.H., to be
introduced to students and faculty members, Kim said he realized that 
because relatively few Asian Americans have held senior positions in 
higher education, the news of his appointment would be "the first of many"
such announcements. He noted that his background -- running major 
programs, but not serving as a dean or provost -- was unconventional 
for a college president, and he suggested that college search committees
may want to cast wider nets to include people with such backgrounds as 
a way to attract more diverse pools.
    James P. Ferrare, a senior consultant with Academic Search, which 
advises college boards on presidential hiring (and which played no role 
in the Dartmouth search), said he thought the appointment was 
"significant" and might prompt search committees to think differently. 
Too many boards, he said, "don't have the familiarity" with the talent 
available for senior positions. 
    "I think there are many really high quality Asian American administrators
who have not gotten to the presidency as fast as some would have liked," 
he said. Ferrare said he thought it was important for firms such as his 
to reach out to identify more candidates, and he encouraged those who
want to be provosts and presidents to contact the consultants. Ferrare
also agreed with Kim that the key may be broadening the search 
criteria "outside of the traditional step of being a dean or provost first."
    Rosalind S. Chou, a doctoral student at Texas A&M University and 
co-author of The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing 
Racism, also spoke Saturday to education journalists about the lack 
of power of Asian Americans in academe. She said Monday that the 
appointment was "great" and that it was important to see such a move. 
    At the same time, she cautioned that just as the election of President
Obama did not erase issues of racism in American society, neither 
does the elevation of more Asian American leaders. She said the most
powerful impact of Kim's appointment may be in showing other Asian 
Americans "what they can do," now that there has been "another crack
in a glass ceiling."
    Leslie Wong, president of Northern Michigan University , is one of the
few Asian American university presidents today. He said on Monday 
that Asian Americans advance at high rates to jobs as professors, 
department chairs and lower level administrative positions, but that 
then they hit the "bamboo ceiling," as many call it. "We have no idea 
what is going on but the data are unmistakable. It is most benign but 
if the label was 'African American' or 'female' I'm sure the discussion 
would be louder," Wong said. He called the news about Kim "fantastic."
    The Job at Hand
    While experts on diversity in higher education were noting the 
significance of Kim's selection for Asian Americans, Dartmouth 's new
president will take over at a time of economic difficulty even for wealthy
institutions like the one he now leads. In an interview, he said that his
approach to the current frugality would be "strategic," and he said it was
important for the college to protect key values and programs -- such as
undergraduate teaching. He said that he rejected the idea of 
economizing through across-the-board cuts, which he characterized as
"demoralizing" and having the potential to endanger key programs.
    Kim also noted the "incredible loyalty" of Dartmouth alumni and said
that he believed that because of their philanthropy, the college "will be 
able to move forward more quickly" than will other colleges. "You see
Dartmouth alumni who are just crazy about this school," he said.
    In recent years, even as Dartmouth's leaders have enjoyed strong 
faculty support, some of those alumni have been deeply critical of the
college, saying that its governance changes have deprived them of 
their traditional say in selecting board members, and accusing the 
college's leaders of neglecting athletics, being hostile to the Greek 
system, and -- in a comment frequent among critics -- trying to turn 
Dartmouth into Harvard. As a Harvard-educated Harvard professor, 
Kim might reinforce the concerns of these alumni. But he seemed 
determined to stress the ways in which he embraces Dartmouth 's 
traditions.
    The press release about his appointment notes that he was a 
quarterback on his high school football team. In the interview, he said
that "far from trying to turn Dartmouth into any other kind of institution,
my job will be to preserve Dartmouth's strengths," which he said 
include undergraduate education with courses taught by tenure track
faculty members -- and also robust fraternity and sorority systems, 
and athletic programs. 
    In his acceptance speech in Hanover, Kim also linked his interest
in becoming president to the legacy of John Sloan Dickey, the 
college's president from 1945-70, who also had a non-academic 
career before leading Dartmouth, and who encouraged students 
to think about their responsibilities in the world at large.
    Kim said that he had lengthy conversations with some of the 
alumni leaders who have been critical of the college's direction, 
and that he was confident that they were ready to work with him. 
"I have never been one who has participated in the so-called 
culture wars," he said. "I'm involved in projects that tackle serious
problems."


3/2/09 Dartmouth College Office of Public Affairs press release: 
"Dr. Jim Yong Kim appointed 17th President of Dartmouth College: 
Dedicated educator and humanitarian has provided visionary leadership in
academia, public policy, and global health.  Continues long tradition of 
Dartmouth Presidents who have had significant impact on the world stage
and in the classroom,"
    Jim Yong Kim, M.D., Ph.D., Chair of the Department of Global Health 
and Social Medicine at Harvard Medical School , has been elected the 
17th President of Dartmouth by the College’s Board of Trustees. Ed 
Haldeman, Chair of Dartmouth’s Board of Trustees, announced the 
appointment today at a meeting of students, faculty and staff. 
    Dr. Kim, 49, will take office on July 1, 2009 and succeeds James 
Wright, who previously announced that he is stepping down in June after
11 years as President of the College.
    “Jim Yong Kim embodies the ideals of learning, innovation, and service
that lie at the heart of Dartmouth ’s mission,” Haldeman said. “As a
passionate educator and physician, he has had a profound impact on
students, faculty, colleagues and fellow health professionals. And as a 
leader in the field of global health, Jim has helped to transform efforts to
bring health care to the world’s poor. Jim follows in the long tradition of
Dartmouth presidents who have made a significant mark both in higher 
education and on the world stage, and we are confident he is the ideal
person to lead the College in today’s rapidly changing environment.”
    Dr. Kim trained as both a physician and anthropologist, receiving his 
M.D. and Ph.D. from Harvard University . He graduated magna cum laude
with a B.A. from Brown University in 1982. A former senior official at the
World Health Organization and co-founder of Partners In Health, he is 
internationally acknowledged for his leadership in the fight against 
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and other diseases. In 2004, in recognition of his
many accomplishments, he was elected to the prestigious Institute of 
Medicine of the National Academy of Sciences.
    Dr. Kim said, “I am honored and humbled to accept this role, and look
forward to building on the many achievements of Jim Wright and his 
predecessors that have made Dartmouth the vibrant, world-class institution
it is today. Dartmouth is a unique and special place with a powerful sense
of community. The educational opportunities it offers, both at the 
undergraduate and graduate levels, are exceptional, and the loyalty and 
passion of its alumni, faculty, staff and students are unrivaled. I could not 
be more excited about this opportunity to help build on Dartmouth ’s great 
traditions as well as its singular role in higher education.” 
    President-elect Kim is only the 17th president in the Wheelock 
Succession of leaders since Eleazar Wheelock founded Dartmouth  
College in 1769. Born in Seoul , Korea , he is also the first Asian American
to be appointed president of an Ivy League school. Dr. Kim is married to 
Dr. Younsook Lim, a pediatrician at Children’s Hospital Boston. The 
couple have two sons, one eight years old, the other born February 27.
    In addition to his role as Chair of the Department of Global Health and 
Social Medicine at Harvard Medical School, Dr. Kim is chief of the 
Division of Global Health Equity at Brigham and Women’s Hospital in 
Boston, a major Harvard teaching hospital, and Director of the François-
Xavier Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights at the Harvard 
School of Public Health. He continues to teach undergraduate classes 
alongside his administrative responsibilities, development activities, 
writings and other academic and clinical contributions. His classes 
today are enormously popular and constantly oversubscribed and he 
plans to continue to teach undergraduates at Dartmouth .
    “Throughout his life, Jim has been devoted to teaching and inspiring
young people both inside and outside the classroom,” said Al Mulley, 
Chair of the Presidential Search Committee and a Dartmouth Trustee. 
“Like former Dartmouth President John Sloan Dickey, Jim believes that
education is not just about gaining knowledge, but also forming leaders
who will rise to meet the great challenges of our time. And like Dickey –
who told students that ‘the world's troubles are your troubles’ – Jim 
aims to redouble Dartmouth ’s efforts to provide leadership on the 
global stage.”
    President Wright described Dr. Kim’s election as “a proud and 
defining moment in Dartmouth ’s history.  Jim is a brilliant educator, 
physician and anthropologist who will serve as a true inspiration for our
community. Dartmouth is fortunate indeed to have attracted an innovator
of his caliber with both the enthusiasm and the global perspective it will
take to lead the College into a new era of distinction and achievement.”
    Dr. Kim has 20 years of experience in improving health in developing
countries. He is a founding trustee and the former executive director of
Partners In Health, a not-for-profit organization that supports a range of
health programs in poor communities worldwide. In 2004, he was 
appointed director of the HIV/AIDS department at the World Health 
Organization, where he launched an initiative to dramatically expand 
access to HIV/AIDS treatment in low- and middle-income countries. 
By 2007, the initiative had helped to provide lifesaving antiretroviral 
therapy to approximately three million people worldwide and had 
accelerated global efforts to fight other diseases such as tuberculosis 
and malaria.
    “Our goal at the World Health Organization was to raise aspirations 
about what can be achieved in the treatment of HIV/AIDS, and I see the
same vision and sense of purpose at Dartmouth today,” Dr. Kim said. 
“The College and its faculty truly excel at developing the sort of 
individuals who will be the leaders of tomorrow – and in driving forward
the kind of collaborative, interdisciplinary work that is critical to success
in the 21st century. With the help and support of the entire Dartmouth
community, I know we will be able to further strengthen the unique
Dartmouth experience and continue arming young people with the 
skills they need to go out and change the world.”
    Dr. Kim immigrated with his family to the United States at the age of
five and grew up in Muscatine , Iowa . He attended Muscatine High 
School , where he was valedictorian and president of his class and 
played quarterback for the high school football team. Dr. Kim received
a MacArthur “Genius” Fellowship in 2003 and was named one of 
America’s 25 ”Best Leaders” by U.S. News & World Report in 2005. 
In 2006, he was selected as one of TIME magazine’s “100 Most 
Influential People in the World.” In a profile for TIME, Tracy Kidder, who
described Kim’s work in the book Mountains Beyond Mountains , wrote,
“One of his students told me that Kim was his most inspirational 
instructor; he made you believe you could change the world. I have no 
idea what he’ll do next. But looking forward to it gives me hope.”
    Dr. Kim’s enthusiastic selection by the Search Committee, and his 
election by the College’s Board of Trustees, resulted from an extensive 
and rigorous search process. The Search Committee, which included 
alumni, students and faculty, spent nearly a year soliciting input from 
the Dartmouth community and identifying and reviewing a wide range 
of candidates.
    Dartmouth College enrolls approximately 4,100 undergraduates in 
the liberal arts and 1,700 graduate students. Drawing faculty and 
students from around the world, Dartmouth is committed to advancing 
the principles of liberal education within a diverse community of 
students, teachers and scholars. In addition to 19 graduate programs 
in the arts and sciences, it is home to the nation's fourth-oldest medical 
school: the Dartmouth Medical School , founded in 1797; the nation's 
first professional school of engineering: the Thayer School of 
Engineering, founded in 1867; and the first graduate school of 
management in the world: the Tuck School of Business, established 
in 1900.

3/3/09 AFP: " First Asian-American named to head Ivy university,"
    Washington (AFP) — Dartmouth College on Monday named a South 
Korean-born health expert as its president, becoming the first Asian-
American to head a university in the prestigious Ivy League.
    Jim Yong Kim, 49, is a former director of the HIV/AIDS department 
of the World Health Organization where he was credited with helping 
expand access to lifesaving treatment in the developing world.
    "Our goal at the World Health Organization was to raise aspirations
about what can be achieved in the treatment of HIV/AIDS, and I see the
same vision and sense of purpose at Dartmouth today," Kim said in a
statement.
    Kim will take over on July 1 as president of Dartmouth College , 
which was founded in 1769 in Hanover , New Hampshire , the university 
statement said.
    Kim becomes the first Asian-American to lead a school in the Ivy 
League, a group of eight universities in the northeastern United States
which historically were a breeding ground for the elite.
    Kim was born in the South Korean capital Seoul and moved with his
family at age five to the midwestern US state of Iowa .
    He went to the public high school in Muscatine , a town on the
Mississippi River , where he was the class valedictorian and played 
quarterback on the American football team.
    Named in 2006 as one of Time magazine's 100 most influential 
people, Kim helped found Partners in Health, which aims to expand 
quality health care to the world's poor.
    He is currently chair of the Department of Global Health and Social 
Medicine at Harvard Medical School . Dartmouth said Kim would 
continue to teach undergraduates in his new role.
    Some 14 million Americans are of Asian descent, or five percent of
the total population. Their number is expected to nearly triple in 2050 
to 41 million, government figures show.
    President Barack Obama has named a record three Asian-
Americans to his cabinet.
    Asian-Americans have gained a reputation for high achievement in
universities. But some community activists have called the image 
harmful, saying that Asian-Americans' needs -- often cultural and 
linguistic -- go overlooked in US education policy.

2/19/09 Wall Street Journal : "Job-Discrimination Cases Tend To Fare
Poorly in Federal Court,"
by Nathan Koppel
    Workers recently gained new ammunition to file job-discrimination cases
in federal court, but they still face long odds against emerging victorious.
    A battery of recent studies shows that employees who sue over
discrimination lose at a higher rate in federal court than other types of
plaintiffs. They also get less time in court, with judges quicker to throw out
their cases.
    Many employee advocates hope the Obama administration will herald a
better climate for discrimination claims. President Barack Obama last
month signed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, which makes it easier for
workers to sue over pay discrimination on the basis of gender, race, age or
disability by extending the legal deadline to file suit. Experts think the act
will lead to a surge in employment cases in federal court.
    Just because more workers have standing to sue doesn't mean that they
will receive a better reception in court, if previous patterns hold steady.
From 1979 through 2006, federal plaintiffs won 15% of job-discrimination
cases. By comparison, in all other civil cases, the win rate was 51%,
according to a study to be published this month by the Harvard Law & Policy
Review. "Judges demand more of discrimination cases than other types of
cases," says Stewart Schwab, a co-author of the study and the dean of
Cornell University Law School .
    The odds against winning discrimination cases have some employee
lawyers reluctant even to try. "We will no longer take individual employment-
discrimination cases, because there's such a high likelihood of losing,"
New York plaintiffs' attorney Joe Whatley Jr. says. Job-discrimination case
filings declined by 40% from 1999 to 2007, federal court records show.
    The bad track record for discrimination cases has been ascribed to
everything from a dearth of minorities on the bench to inherent difficulties in
proving job discrimination, which is rarely overt.
    Another reason why discrimination suits might fare poorly, say lawyers
who represent employers, is that companies can be quick to settle suits that
appear credible. Cases that aren't settled, says Dallas defense attorney
Michael Maslanka, often are frivolous and should be dismissed. Adds
Lawrence Lorber, a defense lawyer in Washington : "If it's a real case, they
settle. Employers aren't dumb."
    The case of Vicky Crawford illustrates the challenges faced by some
workers in federal court, critics say. A Tennessee government employee,
Ms. Crawford in 2002 was asked whether she had witnessed inappropriate
behavior by a colleague. Ms. Crawford reported that the colleague had on
one occasion grabbed her head and pulled it to his crotch.
    Ms. Crawford was later fired, but her retaliation claim was tossed out
by a Tennessee federal judge, and later upheld by the Sixth U.S. Circuit
Court of Appeals. Since Ms. Crawford hadn't instigated a complaint, but
had merely answered investigators' questions, she didn't qualify to bring a
retaliation suit, the courts held. The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously
reversed the rulings in January, calling the lower courts' interpretation of
federal law "freakish." The Supreme Court's ruling in the Crawford case,
however, applies only to a narrow sliver of employment claims.
    Even the federal courts have detected the pattern of more dismissals in
discrimination cases, though they surmise different reasons for it than do
plaintiffs' lawyers. A report last year by the Federal Judicial Center , the
research arm of the federal courts, found that judges nationwide terminated
12.5% of employment-discrimination cases through summary judgments,
before the suits reached trial. In 90% of those cases, it was the employers
who requested the summary judgment. In contrast, the study found, 3% of
contract cases and 1.7% of personal-injury and property-damage suits
were dismissed via summary judgments.
    One possible explanation, says David Hittner, a U.S. District Court judge
in Houston , is that employers generally have become more careful to avoid
discriminatory behavior. They also are better at documenting the reasons
behind firings. "Companies often have an extensive record that this
[employee] was not doing their job well and that is the reason for the
termination," Judge Hittner says.
    Equally troubling to critics, though, is that federal judges also now
routinely terminate employment-discrimination cases through motions to
dismiss, meaning that the plaintiffs aren't allowed to conduct fact finding to
support their claims, according to a law-review study due to be published
in August by the University of Illinois College of Law.
    The study analyzed the impact of the U.S. Supreme Court's 2007 ruling
in Bell Atlantic Corp. v. Twombly, which authorized federal judges to dismiss
cases unless plaintiffs can detail enough facts in their initial complaints to
state a "plausible" claim -- a higher standard than previously existed.
Although the Twombly case involved an antitrust dispute, it has since been
applied broadly to discrimination cases, says Joseph Seiner, a professor
at the University of South Carolina School of Law, who wrote the study.
    As an example of the kind of case that has suffered, Mr. Seiner pointed
to Mangum v. Town of Holly Springs, in which a North Carolina federal
judge last year dismissed a female firefighter's claim that she had been
subjected to a hostile work environment. The judge cited Twombly in
dismissing the sexual-harassment claim. Mr. Seiner says "such a
harassment allegation should at least get to the stage where you take
depositions."


2/17/09 CQ Politics: "Wanted: Asian American Circuit Judges,"
by Seth Stern
    Asian American legal groups are hoping President Obama adds some
of their own to the Circuit Courts of Appeals, which haven't had a single 
active Asian American judge for five years.
    That's been the case since A. Wallace "Wally" Tashima, a judge on the
Ninth Circuit, took senior status in 2004, according to the National Asian 
Pacific American Bar Association. Eight District Court judges are Asian 
American, including the first-ever south Asian, Amul Thapar, who was 
confirmed to a seat in the Eastern District of Kentucky in 2007.
    "It is very important to make sure the federal judiciary reflects the 
communities that it serves and that it has the perspectives of Asian 
Americans," says Karen Narasaki, the president of the Asian American 
Justice Center .
    John Yang, a Washington , D.C. attorney who co-chairs the National 
Asian Pacific American Bar Association's judiciary committee, pointed 
to several potential candidates for seats on the Second, Ninth and 
DC Circuits.
    Two are sitting District Court judges nominated by President Clinton: 
Denny Chin, 55, of the Southern District of New York and George King, 58,
of the Central District of California.
    Two others are academics: Yale Law School Dean Harold Koh and 
Berkeley law professor Goodwin Liu.
    Then there's Ivan K. Fong, recently nominated as general counsel of the
Department of Homeland Security, who was a deputy associate attorney 
general during the Clinton administration.
    And if Obama wants to nominate yet another of his classmates from
Harvard Law School , he could choose A. Marisa Chun, who previously 
worked in the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division.
    One wild card nominee would be Bill Lann Lee, whose nomination to 
be assistant attorney general overseeing the Civil Rights Division ran into 
heavy Republican resistance. He ultimately served as acting attorney 
general.
    Yang says he was encouraged by reports last week that Preet Bharara,
who serves as counsel to Sen. Charles E. Schumer, D-N.Y., could be 
nominated to the high profile post of U.S. Attorney for the Southern District
of New York.


[Hint: Liberal Democrats have been California's U.S. Senators since
1992 and Liberal Democrats run San Francisco.  Therefore, Liberal 
Democrats are Bigots for the Left who discriminate against Asian 
Americans!]
2/17/09 San Francisco Chronicle: “An indefensible lack of diversity on the 
U.S. District Court,”
by Celia W. Lee and Ken Kawaichi
    Given the rich diversity of the San Francisco Bay Area and its unique 
history of significant legal cases involving Asian Pacific Americans, it is 
surprising and shocking that no Asian Pacific American has ever been 
appointed to serve as a judge with lifetime tenure on the U.S. District Court 
for the Northern District of California.
    The absence of an Asian Pacific American jurist on the federal bench is 
a stark contrast to the Asian Pacific American jurists who sit on the state 
courts in Northern California , where there are 27 Superior Court judges, 
two commissioners, a justice on the Court of Appeal and two justices on 
the Supreme Court. Even with that number of Asian Pacific American jurists
on the bench, state courts have not achieved parity with the Asian Pacific 
American population, which constitutes 33 percent of San Francisco 's 
population and about 20 percent of the Bay Area population. But at least 
there is progress. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger recently appointed five 
Asian Pacific American judges in Santa Clara , Alameda and San Francisco
counties.
    The first step to remedying the embarrassing lack of diversity on the 
bench is obvious - appoint a qualified Asian Pacific American judge to 
the U.S. District Court in the Northern District.
    A second imperative step would be to appoint an Asian Pacific American
judge to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Francisco , the
federal appellate court for California . No active Asian American judge sits 
on the Ninth Circuit. In fact, there are no active Asian American judges in any
Circuit Courts of Appeals in the United States .
    Clearly, many of the arguments we make are applicable to Latinos, African
Americans and Native Americans and we would support efforts to diversify 
all the courts of this country. But given the remarkable history we've recounted
here of this U.S. District Court, the demographics of Northern California and 
the absence of any Asian Pacific American judge on the bench, the time to 
appoint is now.
    Significant legal rulings from California  
    The U.S. District Court for the Northern District was the locus of some of 
the most significant constitutional law decisions in U.S. history. These 
decisions found their way to the Supreme Court, affecting the lives of all 
Americans and influencing the development of American jurisprudence.
    In Yick Wo vs. Hopkins, one of the earliest civil rights cases in American 
history, the Supreme Court in 1886 struck down a discriminatory San 
Francisco ordinance targeting Chinese Americans.
    In Wong Kim Ark vs. the United States , a landmark immigration case in 
1898, the Supreme Court applied the 14th Amendment to grant citizenship 
to an American of Chinese ancestry born in the United States .
    In Korematsu vs. United States , one of the most infamous civil rights 
cases in American history, the Supreme Court upheld the forced exclusion 
and detention of 120,000 Americans of Japanese ancestry during World 
War II without the right to notice of charges, the right to attorneys or the right 
to a trial. Forty years later, in 1984, Judge Marilyn Hall Patel of the Northern 
District court overturned Korematsu's conviction, ruling that there was no 
good justification for the internment.
    In Lau vs. Nichols, a suit brought by Chinese American students living in
San Francisco , the Supreme Court expanded the rights of all students 
throughout the country with limited English skills by requiring language 
accommodation.
    Source: Asian American Bar Association for the Greater Bay Area 
    Celia W. Lee is president of the Asian American Bar Association for 
the Greater Bay Area. Judge Ken Kawaichi is a retired judge of the 
Alameda Superior Court and one of the founders of the Asian American 
Bar Association for the Greater Bay Area. For more information, go to
www.aaba-bay.com.

2/17/09 Los Angeles Times: “The greater reality of minorities on TV: While 
scripted shows still largely reflect a white male society, the faces we see on
reality shows are more diverse,”
by Greg Braxton
    The much-maligned world of reality television is winning praise these 
days for "keeping it real" in an unexpectedly relevant way -- reflecting a more
diverse America than its more highbrow cousins in scripted prime-time 
shows.
    Despite decades of public pressure on the major networks to diversify, 
the lead characters in all but a few of prime-time scripted shows this season
are still white -- and usually young and affluent. In contrast, reality programs 
consistently feature a much broader range of people when it comes to race,
age, class and sexual orientation.
    For example, CBS' "The Amazing Race" includes an Asian American 
brother-and-sister team and two African American sisters in its 14th season,
which premiered Sunday. Three African Americans are in the current cast of
CBS' "Survivor." Four African Americans and two Tongan Americans have 
been featured on the current season of NBC's "The Biggest Loser." 
    By contrast, a report released last year by the National Assn. for the 
Advancement of Colored People, titled "Out of Focus -- Out of Sync," 
accused the networks of perpetuating a view of the nation that recalls 
" America 's segregated past." The 40-page report charged that non-whites
are underrepresented in almost every aspect of the television industry -- 
except for reality programming.
    That's no accident, according to reality TV producers and creators.
    "We're looking to create shows that everyday people can relate to, and 
for that you really need a true representation of the population," said Dave
Broome, executive producer of NBC's "The Biggest Loser."
    "A couple of seasons ago, there was an over-the-top character who was
white that we could have cast, but we sacrificed that for a Latino. That's how
important that is."
    The culture mix is driven by more than just political correctness. Although
reality shows aren't directly in the business of bringing racial and ethnic 
enlightenment to America , they are in business. For shows that thrive on 
conflict and drama, a collection of cast members from varied backgrounds
often serves that goal. Unresolved issues surrounding race, class and 
sexual orientation can either quietly fuel tension on programs or generate 
outright emotional explosions. 
    "I don't believe the makers of unscripted programs are necessarily all 
pro-social," said Jonathan Murray of Bunim-Murray Productions, whose 
shows include MTV's reality veteran "The Real World." "A lot of times it 
comes down to the fact that diversity just makes those shows better."
    Of course, being involved in reality TV is not always an uplifting 
experience. Participants are subject to humiliation on the air (and, 
occasionally, eternal infamy on YouTube). The more outrageous the 
show's concept, the more likely contestants are to be ridiculed or even 
scorned. But at least unscripted television is an equal-opportunity offender.
    Though the issue of race is often secondary to unscripted series' story 
lines, it does at times directly fuel the drama. William "Mega" Collins, an
outspoken African American houseguest on the first edition of CBS' "Big
Brother," was the first evicted from the show after he angrily confronted his
predominantly white fellow participants about race. CBS' "Survivor" in 
2006 sparked a furor when the series initially divided tribes along racial 
and ethnic lines. 
    Just as the military and professional sports -- two arenas not heralded 
for their liberal thought -- became the unlikely vessels for breaking racial 
barriers decades ago, reality programming may be a similarly 
transformational force in bringing greater diversity to television today.
    Vic Bulluck, executive director of the NAACP's Hollywood office, noted:
"The marketplace has changed, and the producers of reality shows are 
obviously more sensitive or conscious of that change than the producers 
of scripted shows. It really comes down to relevance."
    Minority contestants have often done well in competition shows, such 
as ABC's "Dancing With the Stars" and Fox's "Hell's Kitchen." By winning
week after week, these contestants in effect become some of the 
programs' leading characters.
    (Two notable exceptions in which a reality program has yet to spotlight 
a person of color are ABC's dating franchise shows "The Bachelor" and 
"The Bachelorette." In 17 total seasons, neither show's main role has ever 
been filled with a person of color. ABC representatives say they are 
"exploring" the issue for upcoming seasons.)
    That's seldom the case with scripted comedies and dramas. Though 
the major networks -- ABC, CBS, Fox and NBC -- have in recent years 
made noticeable strides in assembling multicultural casts in ensemble 
shows such as "Heroes," "ER," "Lost" and "Grey's Anatomy," there are 
still only five network shows with a minority actor playing a clear central 
character: NBC's "Law & Order" (Anthony Anderson), ABC's "Ugly Betty"
(America Ferrera), ABC's "Desperate Housewives" (Eva Longoria Parker),
CBS' "The Unit" (Dennis Haysbert) and CBS' "CSI: Crime Scene 
Investigation" (Laurence Fishburne). (In the 15 midseason network scripted
series, including Fox's "Dollhouse," ABC's "In the Motherhood" and NBC's
"Kings," only a few have a person of color in a central role.)
    Network executives say that comparing the two genres is unfair and that
scripted shows are governed by creative restrictions that don't apply to 
reality TV.
    "When you're casting for an unscripted show, it's a much bigger universe
and a whole different talent base," said Nina Tassler, president of CBS 
Entertainment. "It's real people versus actors."
    "The casting in unscripted shows informs the storytelling," she said. "That
kind of show starts as an idea, but then the story is developed by the cast.
A scripted show is the brainchild of a creator who has a very specific vision."
    Still, critics like Kristal Brent Zook, author of "I See Black People: 
Interviews With African American Owners of Radio and Television," argue 
that diversity behind the camera in scripted programming will increase it in 
front of it. "It all comes down to what goes on in the writing room," Zook said. 
"It's a reflection on their imagination, or lack thereof. It's going to remain this
way until you bring in people with wider experience."



2/9/09 Boston Globe: "Yoon launches a pioneering bid for mayor,"
by John C. Drake and Matt Collette 
    Sam Yoon, who vaulted onto Boston's political scene when he was 
elected the city's first Asian-American city councilor just four years ago, will 
look to break down another barrier this fall, seeking the seat of Mayor 
Thomas M. Menino in an upstart bid that has drawn interest from coast to 
coast.
    Yoon, who has been publicly weighing a mayoral run since last fall, said 
yesterday he is running, joining At-Large Councilor Michael F. Flaherty Jr.
and South End business owner Kevin McCrea in a now-crowded field to be
the city's chief executive.
    "This weekend, my wife, Tina, and I spent some time talking about what
a mayoral race would mean for our family," said Yoon, 39. "We reached a
decision. We prayed about it, and I am going to be entering the race for
mayor."
    Yoon is not only the first Asian-American to seek the job, according to 
longtime political observers, but he is an unconventional candidate for other
reasons as well. He does not have deep Boston roots, having moved to 
Dorchester from Arlington two years before he ran for City Council in 2005.
Born in Seoul , Yoon grew up in Pennsylvania . He became a naturalized 
US citizen when he was 10.
    Yoon holds a master's degree in public policy from Harvard's Kennedy
School of Government and worked in various community organizations in
Boston before running for City Council.
    Word that Yoon was considering a run for mayor first hit Boston in 
September while he was touting his potential as a rising Asian-American
politician on a West Coast fund-raising trip. And his 2008 campaign finance
reports show that 58 percent of his campaign contributions came from 
donors outside Massachusetts , including a large network of Asian-American
supporters in California and elsewhere.
    In an interview with the Globe yesterday, Yoon declined to offer specifics
about his campaign plans, saying he would save that for a formal 
announcement to come in the next few weeks.
    "The campaign will be about the city's future, not about its past, and that's
the rubric that I'm going to be working with."
    Yoon said he called each of his potential opponents yesterday to inform
them of his plans.
    Flaherty, an at-large councilor from South Boston who announced his 
mayoral run two weeks ago, said yesterday he welcomed Yoon's candidacy.
    " Boston residents deserve a real campaign where ideas to make Boston
a better city are thoughtfully debated," Flaherty said in an interview. "I have
always subscribed to the theory that competition is good."
    McCrea, who ran unsuccessfully for City Council in 2005, agreed that 
having more candidates in the race was good for the city.
    "I think it's very good for the citizens of Boston that we're going to have an
actual mayor's race where we can actually talk about moving the city forward,
about talking about real issues and problems," he said.
    Menino, who has swatted away challenges from city councilors in the 
previous two election cycles, has not officially announced whether he will 
seek an unprecedented fifth term this year. He has said he is too engaged 
in steering the city out of a financial crisis. His spokeswoman did not return 
calls and an e-mail yesterday seeking comment
    Yoon's and Flaherty's candidacies also mean there will be two open 
at-large seats on the City Council for the fall election. Open seats are rare, 
and multiple openings are rarer.
    Lawrence S. DiCara, a former city councilor and longtime political 
observer, said it will be the first time since the city switched to a system of 
nine district councilors and four at-large councilors in 1983 that there will be
two openings in the same year for the coveted at-large spots.
    "This adds to what could be the highest turnout in a generation" for a city
election, DiCara said.
    DiCara said city politics has changed significantly since people 
questioned whether an Italian-American could be elected mayor before 
Menino broke that barrier in 1993.
    "All those walls have toppled down," DiCara said. "The old rules that you
had to be from a large family and have been in politics a long time and all 
the rest of those things that seem to have determined who was mayor are
all history. It's a very different city."
    He pointed to the increasing number of young families of all races who 
have moved into his Jamaica Plain neighborhood.
    But Yoon's candidacy will face significant obstacles, not least of which 
is fund-raising. Yoon had $140,000 on hand at the end of January, 
campaign finance reports show. Flaherty has more than $600,000 to 
spend on the race, while Menino commands a war chest of about 
$1.4 million. McCrea has less than $1,000 on hand.
    Yoon has pointed to the challenge of raising money alongside more 
entrenched city politicians in defending his prolific out-of-state fund-raising.
    During his three and a half years on City Council, Yoon has focused 
much of his criticism of the administration on process-oriented concerns.
He has voted against the city budget each year on the grounds that the 
budget-writing process is not transparent enough.
    Beyond that, his record, like that of many other councilors under the 
city's strong-mayor form of government, is thin with few high-profile 
accomplishments.
    But the ground-breaking potential for his run is likely to give more 
attention to his campaign than would normally be afforded to a two-term
councilor seeking the job. Yoon would be the city's first nonwhite mayor.
Several black candidates have run unsuccessfully for the office.
    "It's a historic candidacy in that seldom in the history of Boston have 
people who are nonwhite challenged the sitting leadership," said Paul 
Watanabe, a political scientist and director of the Institute for Asian 
American Studies at the University of Massachusetts at Boston.
    And Councilor John Tobin said that Yoon could benefit from an 
apparent interest in voters to reward ambitious newcomers.
    "He hasn't lived in the city that long, or even been on the council for
long," Tobin said. "But it wasn't that long ago when people couldn't 
pronounce [Governor] Deval Patrick's first name. I think the days of 
waiting your turn, this caste system, has been shattered in politics."


2/6/09 National Review.com: "Staving Off the 'Yellow Peril': The University 
of California regents attempt to curtail Asian admissions,"
by Stephan Thernstrom
    In 1995, the regents of the University of California , at the urging of Ward 
Connerly and Gov. Pete Wilson, voted to bar racial preferences on all nine 
of the system's campuses. A year later, the state's voters passed 
Proposition 209, an amendment to the constitution that extended that ban 
to state and local governments. But today, the regents are expected to 
approve major changes in admissions policies that represent the most 
recent of many misguided attempts to circumvent Prop 209.
    The move is breathtaking. It will drop the requirement that applicants take
two SAT "subject tests"; if the students the school wants tend to do poorly 
on such tests, then it is best not to know just how poorly.  The plan also 
sharply lowers the academic standards that applicants must meet to be 
eligible for a "full admissions review." This review is where their distinctive 
"personal qualities" can be discerned and made to count for more than the
weaknesses in their academic performance.
    These changes are manifestly driven by the desire to bring in more black
and Hispanic students. Remarkably, though, the university's own projections
indicate that the plan will do almost nothing to expand black enrollment and
will be of very modest benefit to Hispanics. Even more remarkably, the 
prime beneficiaries of the changes will be non-Hispanic whites, whose 
share of total enrollments is predicted to rise by 20-30 percent.
    And the big losers will be Asian Americans, whose numbers will be 
reduced by 10-20 percent. The net effect will thus be to make the University
of California substantially "whiter" than it has been.
    That's ironic, because when the battle for race-blind admissions began,
opponents worried that Prop 209 would transform UC into a "lily white" 
institution. This dire prophecy proved ludicrously far from the mark. 
    The big gainers were not white applicants; they were Asian Americans. 
    Although only 12 percent of the state's population, Asians accounted for
37 percent of UC admissions in 2008.  
    Also, while black and Hispanic enrollments at the most selective campuses
(Berkeley and UCLA) did fall sharply, rises at places like Riverside and Irvine
more than offset the declines. In fact, the Hispanic share of total UC 
enrollments has risen dramatically over the past dozen years, from 14 to 22
percent. Black students made gains too, though slight ones. More important,
minority graduation rates have improved substantially, now that these 
students are no longer "mismatched" as a result of racial double standards.
    Although these numbers indicate that blacks and Hispanics, particularly 
the latter, have fared well under race-blind admissions, university officials 
have long been tinkering with the rules in an effort to bring in more 
"underrepresented minorities." Standardized tests have counted for less
and less, and admissions have become more "holistic"-i.e., subjective.
    Demonstrating that an applicant has "overcome disadvantage" has 
become more important than demonstrating that he grasps quadratic 
equations and can write a literate essay.
    It's hard to believe that, as part of this mission, the regents are deliberately
trying to do their bit to stave off the "yellow peril." 
    But proponents of racial preferences have let slip some highly unsavory 
attitudes on occasion. My wife, Abigail, appeared on Crossfire many years
ago and was asked by liberal co-host Bob Beckel whether she would "like
to see UCLA Law School 80 percent Asian." In a 1995 interview, President
Clinton said that "there are universities in California that could fill their 
entire freshman classes with nothing but Asian Americans." In 1998, a 
writer for Newsday asked, "Since Asians outscore everyone, would we 
accept an all-Asian class?"
    Nasty stuff, and not aberrational. If you truly believe that it is unjust that 
some groups are "underrepresented" at elite institutions, it follows 
inexorably that no groups may be "overrepresented." 
    Mathematically, when no one is underrepresented, no one is 
overrepresented. Since Asians have more than triple their "proper share"
of places at the University of California , and quadruple their share at 
Berkeley and UCLA, they are the chief obstacle to "equity" in higher 
education.
    A high-school counselor interviewed by Inside Higher Education denied 
that the university officials who dreamed up the new plan were motivated 
by anti-Asian prejudice. He contended that the drop in the number of 
Asians admitted is just "collateral damage." The metaphor misleads. 
The new admissions policy is likely not motivated by a desire to cut back
on Asian enrollments but by a desire to expand the enrollments of other
groups. But if you can't do much of the latter without a lot of the former, this
is a distinction without a difference.
- Stephan Thernstrom is Winthrop Research Professor of History at 
Harvard University. His books include America in Black and White: One 
Nation, Indivisible and No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning, 
both co-authored with his wife, Abigail.  


2/5/09 Inside Higher Ed: “Unintentional Whitening of U. of California ?”
by Scott Jaschik
    For several years now, the University of California has been debating 
plans to drop the SAT Subject Tests (formerly called the SAT II or 
achievement tests) and to find ways to consider more minority applicants.
The debate has focused on the relative merits (or lack thereof) of the SAT
and how to promote diversity while not violating the state’s ban on 
affirmative action.
    In the past few days, however, a new issue has started to attract attention:
concerns that the admissions policy changes that are expected to be 
approved by the Board of Regents today could lead to a significant drop in
the numbers of Asian-American applicants who are admitted — with the
major gains going to white applicants.
    According to data prepared by the university and just starting to receive
attention, 36 percent of those admitted to the university system in 2007-8
were Asian Americans. Applying the new admissions standards, that 
percentage would drop to 29-32 percent. In contrast, white applicants 
made up 34 percent of those admitted in 2007-8. Under the proposed 
reforms, they would have made up 41 to 44 percent of the entering class.
The bottom line is that Asian Americans would shift from being the largest
group gaining admission to the University of California to the second.
    Some Asian American groups are calling on the Board of Regents to 
hold off on any vote today, raising questions about the fairness and 
wisdom of the changes being considered. (A board subcommittee 
approved the plan Wednesday, unanimously.)
    “All of us share the goal of trying to preserve excellence as well as to 
promote diversity. But the gains for Latinos and African Americans in 
these projections are very small, while the decreases for Asian Americans
and the gains for whites are quite large,” said Vincent Pan, president of
Chinese for Affirmative Action, a national group based in California. 
“There’s almost a swapping out of Asian students for white students. Let’s
not rush this thing.”
    But university leaders are playing down the demographic projections and
defending the admissions plan, which emerged from the Academic Senate,
a system-wide faculty group. Mark G. Yudof, president of the university, said
in a statement of the proposal: “It also sends a clear message to California
high school students that if they work hard, take challenging courses and do
well, they will get to make their case for admission to UC.” The university
system has been praised by faculty and student groups for the planned shift.
    Admission to the University of California is enormously competitive, and 
families in the state long to be able to send children to its prestigious 
campuses, where they can be educated at top research universities at a
fraction of what they would pay for a private institution. In California , race
and admissions have been tangled and divisive for years. The success of
Asian American students in winning admission to UC campuses has meant
that those institutions are in many ways more diverse than much of American
higher education. But the state’s ban on affirmative action in public university
admissions has depressed the admission of black and Latino students.
    The proposal before the Board of Regents today would do the following:
    End the requirement that applicants submit two SAT Subject Test scores. 
    Narrow from the top 12.5 to the top 9 percent of high school graduates the
percentage who will be guaranteed admission to the university system 
(although not necessarily to the campus of their choice). 
    Expand the definition of applicants eligible for a full admission review to
include all who complete 11 of 15 required high school courses by the end
of their junior year, and achieve a grade-point average of at least 3.0 
    The last shift is expected to greatly expand the pool of those entitled to a
full admissions review, where personal qualities and other factors may help
some win admission. Indeed those deemed eligible for a full review would
go up in all racial and ethnic groups. But the gains in eligibility are not 
necessarily going to translate into gains in admissions for all groups — or
into gains that reflect the gains in those eligible for a full review.

    Projected Impact of Admissions Changes on Different Racial and 
Ethnic Groups